Thy Will Be Done – Chapter 7 – William Lee Turns The Tide at Manassas; Then, is Dying by Ann Reeves (a descendant) and Jim Surkamp

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Maybe the Best Civil War Story – Chapter 7 – By His Brother’s Bedside – by J. Surkamp

TRT: 22:47 Video link: https://youtu.be/BcUn5Nb5mPY

Images at Flickr: 78 “Jeb” Stuart and The “Curse” of the Silver Spurs by Jim Surkamp https://www.flickr.com/photos/jimsurkamp/albums/72157632616352506 (Spurs first given by Stuart to Wm Lee, who died wearing them at Manassas and some months after they were returned to Stuart in the fall of 1862, he was wearing; them when he was mortally wounded).

With support from American Public University System (apus.edu). (The sentiments expressed do not in any way reflect modern-day policies of APUS, and are intended to encourage fact-based exchange for a better understanding of our nation’s foundational values.

https://web.archive.org/web/20190710020135/https://civilwarscholars.com/2014/12/thy-will-7-the-battle-of-manassasbull-run-is-over-william-lee-is-dying/

William Fitzhugh Lee: “The Overlooked Lee” – Ann C. Reeves

(Ann C.Reeves, a direct descendant of “Willie” Lee of Shepherdstown, writes of the brief shining light of her ancestor’s life. William Fitzhugh Lee has been inexplicably missed by most official records. He was raised by the Lees in Shepherdstown after his father’s death, was a Virginia Military Institute graduate, close friend of J.E.B. Stuart, bestowed mysterious silver spurs by Stuart, only to die leading a pivotal charge on a battery at Manassas – that was not ordered. His poignant, agonizing death with family would become common – universal as an event but, as all such deaths, unique in its pathos and power. An American generation – across the divide – would encounter the new horror of young men in their budding prime, dying.-ED).

While not the head of his class academically, William “Willie” Lee was chosen by his classmates, on the basis of “character,” to address them upon graduation:

When I look around the happy faces of the motley throng assembled here tonight and reflect that those bright eyes now beaming with merriment and love may on tomorrow’s dawn grow dim with tears, when I meet the smiles of youthful manhood, the thoughtful glance of matured intellect or the searching gaze of venerated names as, and even then, we seek to trace the course of future tears and as the last hoary age turns to scan the path on which the course of life is run, bowed beneath the weight of years we seek not then to serve amid the rich promises of earthly hopes or to build the fairy fabric of ambition’s dreams.

These were the stirring words of a young and optimistic William Fitzhugh Lee in his Fourth of July Valedictory address to his compatriots at the Virginia Military Institute in 1853. Although the issues of slavery and states rights had been in the political forefront and the idea of secession had been discussed for several years, no one could have known how prescient these words were; that within eight years they would all wake up to “the dawn grown dim with tears,” and for him and his loved ones, this would unfold on the shores of Bull Run Creek.

William was the son of the Rev. William Fitzhugh Lee of Richmond and Mary Catherine Syme Chilton Lee, of Fairfax, born on April 27, 1832 in Richmond. The Rev. Lee, a graduate of Virginia Theological Seminary, was a first

cousin to Robert E. Lee. Bishop Meade described him as “light as a feather, but possessed a strong mind and will, and lived under the pressure of a heart and soul devoted to the love of God and man.” Despite a brief ministry of only twelve years, he made a significant contribution to the Episcopal Church, serving as Rector of a historic church in Richmond that he renamed St. John’s, famous for Patrick Henry’s speech in which he proclaimed, “Give me Liberty, or give me Death!” St. John’s thrived under his leadership, crowded with parishioners and Sunday school children and a zealous missionary society. Controversy around needing to expand led to Lee’s resignation and his founding and serving as Rector of Christ Church, Richmond. Due to physical frailty and declining health, he resigned and then founded and edited “The Southern Churchman,” an evangelical journal that he was editing on his deathbed, at the age of 33. His small son, William Fitzhugh Lee, known as “Willie,” was only five.

Although devoted to his mother, who returned to Alexandria with him, Willie spent considerable time with his paternal uncle, Edmund Jennings Lee, of Shepherdstown, Virginia, who served as a surrogate father. He was especially

close to his cousin, Edwin Gray Lee, who would end up on the battlefield with him at Manassas in July of 1861. Willie entered the Episcopal High School in Alexandria in the fall of 1842, aged ten. There, he fell under the

tutelage of the Rev. William N. Pendleton, Episcopal priest, headmaster of the school, and later, a Brigadier General and Chief of Artillery for the Confederate Army. A West Point graduate, Pendleton was a gifted teacher, engineer, and athlete who served as a powerful Christian role model for the boys he taught, including Willie. Pendleton’s daughter, Susan, would later

marry Willie’s first cousin, Edwin Gray Lee, of Shepherdstown, who was like a brother. Pendleton’s son, Alexander Swift Pendleton (Sandie) would serve

as Jackson’s Adjutant General and his unofficial Chief of Staff, later to become Early’s Chief of Staff. Willie also attended the Fairfax Institute.

During the times he lived with his aunt, uncle, and cousins at Leeland, in Shepherdstown, he grew up knowing their friends and neighbors. Among them was one of five daughters of a town physicians, Dr. Richard Parran and his

wife, Laura Morgan Parran. Eliza Morgan Parran, listed in the Morgan and Parran Family Bibles as Lillie (courtesy, John Whelihan) was the second eldest daughter. She is described in the March, 1853 journal of one potential suitor (William Quesenbury Claytor) as a young woman “whom I admire exceedingly…I think her decidedly more attractive than her sister…who is considered so beautiful.” (Alexander Street Press). Willie and Lillie must have known each other for many years. She participated in the annual

Ring tournament, a throwback to the chivalric jousts of England. Held in Morgan’s Grove (Lillie’s grandparents were Morgans,) there were knights on horses encouraged by the beautiful young women of Shepherdstown, one of whom was crowned Queen of Beauty among Maids of Honor. Lillie held both roles. She must have been intelligent, too, as William’s Commencement address also extolled the extension of literacy to women, making marriage a partnership of intellectual equals.

In 1850, William entered the class of 1853 at the Virginia Military Institute, the third class since it’s founding. According to correspondence between his mother, Mary Lee and the Superintendent, Col. Francis H. Smith, there were maternal worries about his maturity and moral behavior, as well as questions about his tuition, paid for by Edmund Jennings Lee. As required by graduates of VMI, William was expected to teach for a period of time in Virginia, which he ultimately did, in Fauquier County. Letters between him and Superintendent Smith suggest that he tried to bypass this responsibility due to a need for greater income to help support his mother, and, for a short time, he first worked as a civil engineer.

In June of 1855, William entered the United States Army as a 2nd Lieutenant under the 2nd Regiment, scheduled to be stationed at Fort Ridgely, a small outpost in Minnesota, although a letter to Superintendent Smith suggests he was rerouted to Fort Leavenworth. Records indicate that he also served at Fort Randall South Dakota, Fort Riley, Kansas, and several other remote frontier posts that helped to manage Indian affairs. During this period of time, he came to know J.E.B. Stuart, who was making a name for himself in the US Army. It was William who informed Stuart that his wife Flora, had born him a son. When admirers gifted Stuart with a pair of silver spurs, he gave them to William Lee in acknowledgment of his promise as a soldier.

On September 15th, 1859, William Fitzhugh Lee married Lillie Parran while on leave from Jefferson Barracks. The wedding was performed at 8:00 in the

morning at Trinity Church by the Rev. C. W. Andrews, an influential churchman whose dedication to theology and global understanding included a strong interest in the Liberian solution to slavery. Dr. Andrews figured largely in the lives of the Parran and Lee family members, with numerous baptisms, weddings, and funerals (C.W. Andrews Papers, Duke University Archives).

After they were married, the Lees and the Stuarts bonded as couples, at Fort Riley and later, at Jefferson Barracks. This was a special relationship that

lasted as long as each of the four lived. While Flora Stuart and Lillie became close, J.E.B. Stuart also seemed quite taken with Lillie for her special qualities, and they sustained a deep and enduring friendship as evidenced by several remaining letters. In a July 16, l860 letter from Stuart to Lee written from a camp 10 miles above Bent’s Fort, Stuart wrote:

Dear Lee:
As Mr. Robt. Bent son of Col B leaves on 18th for the states I avail myself of his going to jot you a line. I made a little scout the other day which accomplished all the success attending us thus far. I will give you very briefly the items. As we passed Bents Fort on the morning of the 11th old B told us he had positive information that old Sotanke & family (2 lodges) had been a few minutes before within a ½ of a mile from his post. When hearing of our being there he cleared out double quick. I immediately volunteered to pursue him, and the maj. detached with me 20 men, and I started in pursuit. After a sharp trot of 5 miles I came in sight, he then abandoned everything but the ponies & I followed at a run – He was several miles ahead but I gained on them every jump. I never participated in a more exciting chase. In 2½ hours after leaving Bents Fort I was just in the act of nabbing them when I discovered Capt. Steele with a large detachment approaching from the opposite direction returning from a 8 days unsuccessful scout. Wasn’t that unfortunate for me? Finding that he was sure to secure the main party I turned to the right to pursue some scattered bucks running off in that direction, in that pursuit a part of Steele’s command under Otis, Armstrong, & Bayard joined and two warriors were killed, & 1 squaw captured, those captured by Steele’s party were 16 women & children and 36 ponies & mules. The last warrior was killed by the Sergt (Occleston) of my detachment, but not until he had given Bayard a very severe arrow wound in the cheek, and wounds to two of my detachment in the legs. The capture of the whole party I am confident (&I believe all of nearly all are equally so) would have been just as certain by my party alone, but as my Detachment had contributed mainly to effect it, I suppose I ought to be satisfied. I pursued them 26 miles to Steele & then 6 miles to the right. I had Bayard carried in a blanket that distance back to Steele’s. Bayard is now here, he suffers a great deal having the arrow head still deeply imbedded in between the cheek bone & the upper part of the upper jaw-bone. It can not be extracted. No fears are entertained as to his ultimate recovery, but he will be a sufferer for some time I fear.I have heard nothing from Riley since the mail sent out from Pawnee Fork. We have heard through the Cheyenne’s and Arrapahoes who are here & very friendly, that somebody has killed 8 Kiowas near Cow Creek, and that somebody has killed 20 lodges of Comanches on a tributary to Arkansas below Mulberry Creek, and that Ruff has killed 110 on the Canadian. We have received pretty authentic information that the Indians who were at a point 20 miles from Denver City have moved down on the Republican and Smoky Hill, & our next move will be in that direction. We will probably reach Pawnee Fork by the middle of 20th of August. Desaupne is now absent with 100 men over a 5 days scout on Purgatoire Cr, he is expected day after tomorrow. The Indians have refrained from depredations thus far on the emigrants, as far as we can learn. The prisoners are now in the hands of the Indian Agent Bent – who will endeavor to secure the delivery of the mail murderers. He has however ascertained pretty certainly that they have been all killed. The warriors we killed were Sotanke’s brother and son the Squaws were his. The old buck is bankrupt now. Walker went up to a grand war dance at Bents Fort. We enjoyed it very much. Young Bent the bearer of this seems to be a very clever fellow, and has been very kind to us. Don’t curse your fate if you should be ordered to take post at Bent’s Fort, it is by far the best point west of Riley’s & so stands in our estimation. Quarters already for 2 companies, and the best building material – except lime, clay is however available as a substitute. Remember me cordially to Mrs. Lee when you write (I suppose she is East), and present my kindest regards to all friends at Pawnee. I do not consider that worthy Capt of our regiment one of that number. I think it probably that Bayard will in a week if his situation will allow it, be sent in the ambulance under escort to Pawnee to go thence to the States. His gallantry & personal daring was the subject of special mention in my report, though he belonged to Steele’s detachment.

The officers here are getting on very harmoniously & pleasantly. Very truly yours, J.E.B. Stuart

(Original letter, now lost, was in the possession of Mrs. F.V. Chappell, of New London, CT. Contents courtesy Western Historical Manuscript Collection – Columbia, MO)

in later life, and as an infant with her mother

On New Year’s Day, 1861, Laura Morgan Lee was born to Lillie while William was stationed at Jefferson Barracks. As the winter progressed and more and more southern states voted for secession, Abraham Lincoln assumed office, and the northern and southern stances became tightened, William became more and more upset. Following the battle at Fort Sumter in April, he began to speak out against what he considered the faulty course being pursued by the Federal Government toward the South. He spoke his mind quite freely and was arrested by Captain Nathanial Lyon, a staunch abolitionist who had gained command of the St. Louis arsenal. William was court-martialed and kept on house arrest for a brief period of time. When released, he resigned from the Army on April 30, ten days after his second cousin Robert E. Lee’s resignation, and returned to Virginia. With the help R.E. Lee, he was appointed a captain in the Confederate Army, ordered to duty at Harper’s Ferry. According to Charles D. Walker, author of “Graduates and Eleves of the Virginia Military Institute,” William was ordered to Harper’s Ferry where he was “actively engaged in the training of the raw recruits of the recently-formed army, and afterwards…performed laborious service as a drill-master and recruiting officer.” Although Walker writes that Lee was commissioned Lieutenant Colonel of the 33rd Virginia Infantry, things at Harper’s Ferry were very disorganized as herds of new, untested recruits descended upon that town. It took the arrival of Thomas Jonathan Jackson, William’s former Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy and Instructor of Artillery at VMI to whip the new recruits into shape During this time, Lillie and six-month-old Laura had remained in Missouri. Fearful of their safety, William quickly penned the following letter on June 21st.

Harper’s Ferry, VA June 21st 1861
My dear LillyI wrote to you a few days ago advising you how to get to Virginia. Since then I have been most anxious and uneasy about your safety. The mails have all stopped Between here and all points north and west. So I shall have great difficulty in Getting letters to you. When you write, enclose your letters to Dr. MacGill of Hagerstown and ask him to find an opportunity to get them to your mother {Laura Parran Towner in Shepherdstown} who can transmit them to me. The Balt. & Ohio Rl.Rd between Wheeling and Grafton is in possession of the troops of the North. It will be out of the question therefore for you to attempt to come in that Way. The Louisville route is the only one left you now. Find an escort to that city or to Cincinnati. From Cincinnati you could go to Louisville and then on to Lynchburg, Va. O’Connell sometimes goes to Newport to take recruits. Ask him To let you know when he can go next after the receipt of this and if he can take you with him to Cincinnati and place you en route for Louisville. In the meantime write to Dr. Llewellyn Powell, my cousin, tell him who you are & how you are traveling & ask him to meet you at Louisville & place you under escort for Va. It would be better if you could get an escort all the way in. Suppose you write to Maj. Hagum {Hagman?} to try & find you one from Fort Leavenworth. There are Constantly officers (resigned) on their way in from there.

I must hurry down & try & find an opportunity to send this to you – all are well & in good spirits. Love and Kisses & all – From your fondly devoted Husband W. F. L.
(Original location of this document at Red Top, family home in Connecticut of William Reeves, Jr., Carol Reeves Parke, and Ann C. Reeves)

The following events are taken from private John O. Casler’s “Four Years in the Stonewall Brigade.” Casler had joined the Potomac Guards in June of 1861, which became part of Col. Arthur C. Cummings’ regiment that ultimately became the First Brigade under T.J. Jackson, along with Lieutenant Colonel William Fitzhugh Lee. According to Casler, by June 24th the companies took part in Johnston’s movement to reinforce Beauregard at Manassas Junction, marching east towards Winchester, where they were celebrated by brass bands, “drums beating, colors flying, and the fair ladies waving their handkerchiefs and cheering (them) on to ‘victory or death.’” The soldiers moved to Shawnee Springs and back to Romney. Between late June and early July, they moved between Darksville, Shawnee Springs, and Martinsburg with a few minor “squirmishes” with the Federals. An anticipated July 4th battle did not materialize and they moved back to Winchester. Casler admits to his disappointment, not yet having experienced the horrors of war.

It was in Winchester that William Fitzhugh Lee saw his little Laura for what would be the last time.

According to Casler, his battalion was ordered to report to Col Cummings, somewhat south of Winchester and they remained in the area until July 15th, at which time they became permanently attached to General T.J. Jackson’s brigade. As there were not enough men, yet, to be numbered, their regiment became Colonel Cummings Regiment. They finally left the Winchester area on July 18th, marching toward Berry’s Ferry, on the Shenandoah River, where they were informed of the Federal threat to General Beauregard at Manassas Junction. The men were formed in ranks in a forced march all day and all night, crossing the Shenandoah around midnight and spending about two hours to rest in Paris, before heading towards Manassas.

Lowell Reidenbaugh, in “33rd Virginia Infantry,” writes that the men reached the Shenandoah River at sundown, walking waist-high through the water. They were exhausted, and spent the next night (the 20th) in a grove of pines. In the morning, they marched upstream, returning to Blackburn’s Ford. Three hours later, Jackson was informed of an impending battle near Henry House Hill, the left anchor of the Confederate line. The 33rd marched the seven miles there and sustained bombardment without a fight until mid-afternoon.

There are several accounts of the ensuing battle between the 33rd and Rickett’s and Griffin’s batteries, near Henry House Hill in Manassas. Casler explains that the 33rd Regiment had been organized in Winchester, and that most companies “were perfectly raw troops.” Jackson, soon to be named “Stonewall” had ordered the brigade to hold off fire until the Federals were within thirty paces. Cummings wrote that the brigade had reached the brow of the ridge near Henry House with the 33rd Regiment to the far left. All agree that a charge was made contrary to orders. In “Col. Cummings’ Account” in the Southern Historical Society Papers, he explained that some Federals, dressed in red, had started firing on the left flank of the brigade. This “tore up the ground uncomfortably near the men and, the two things together, coming about the same time caused considerable confusion in part of the regiment, and realizing that the most trying position that raw men, and even the best disciplined and bravest could be placed in was to be required to remain still, doing nothing, receiving the enemy’s fire without returning it, I feared the consequences, if I strictly obeyed General Jackson’s orders; therefore it was that I have the orders to charge, contrary to his order to wait until the enemy was within thirty paces, the enemy being much further off at that time.” Casler writes:

Colonel Cummings and Lieutenant Colonel Lee were in front of our regiment, perhaps a hundred yards, stooping down, and occasionally standing to get a view over the crest of the hill that rose gently before us for a little over a hundred yards. The musketry kept up on our right, and then Colonels Cummings and Lee were seen to rise and bending down, to come back with somewhat quickened steps to the regiment. I remember, as Colonel Cummings drew near, he called out: “Boys, they are coming, now wait until they get close before you fire.’ Almost immediately several pieces of artillery, their horses in front, made their appearance on the hill in front of us, curving as if going into battery, and at the same time I descried the spear-point and upper portion of a United States flag, as it rose in the hands of its bearer over the hill; then I saw the bearer, and the heads of the men composing the line of battle to the right and left of him. At the sight several of our men rose from the ranks, leveled their muskets at the line, and, although I called out, ‘Do not fire yet,’ it was of no use; they fired and then the shrill cry of Colonel Cummings was heard, ‘Charge!’ and away the regiment went, firing as they ran, into the ranks of the enemy, and particularly at the battery towards which our line rapidly approached . . . I think it can be demonstrated that the victory of First Manassas is traceable to Colonel Cummings (p. 42.)

Casler quoted a letter received from Col. Cummings at 75 years of age:

When General Jackson directed me to look out for the enemy’s artillery, Captain William Lee, who was acting as Lieutenant Colonel, and a gallant man he was, and I walked out on the plateau and saw the artillery of the enemy moving rapidly up the Sudley road to our front and left, and large bodies of the enemy’s infantry moving along the hill towards our left flank, and we returned immediately to the regiment.

Casler felt that the unauthorized charge was made “with splendid discretion (p. 43.) While it took three attempts to secure Rickett’s battery, it was an unexpected victory for the Confederates (in the eyes of much of the country), and it buoyed their spirits greatly.

During the charge, Captain William Lee, acting as Lieutenant Colonel, was mortally wounded in the breast.

An article in the Times-Dispatch of June 4, 1905 was reproduced in the Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume XXXIV. Quoting Captain John H, Grabill, of the 33rd, “After the battle was over, General Jackson rode to one of the field hospitals As he sat upon his horse he looked steadily upon the dying Captain Lee of the Thirty-third, who was propped against a small tree, and made this remark: ‘The work Colonel Cummings’ regiment did today was worth the loss of the entire regiment.’” In fact, the 33rd sustained huge losses.

A touching first-hand account of the Battle of First Manassas was written in a personal letter from William Lee’s cousin (who was like a brother,) Edwin Gray Lee to William’s mother, describing the battle, his lingering illness, and death (Western Historical Manuscript Collection, Columbia, Mo.)

He began:

You know we left Winchester on the 18th of July. We reached Manassas Junction on the 19th and on the morning of Saturday the 20th we were placed in the reserve to General Longstreet behind the woods in rear of the Battlefield of the 18th. While we lay there I repeatedly saw Willie and conversed and laughed with him. Early on the morning of the 21st we were moved and we continued to shift our position until about 10 A.M. when we finally took one in reserve to Gen. Bee’s Brigade. During this morning I saw William frequently. About 11 o’clock we got a request from Gen. Bee to come to his support. Gen. Jackson (I was his aide-de-camp) sent me to move the various regiments forward. And the last time I saw Willie was just as I bore the order to Col. Cummings to move his (???-ED). He was looking as calm and cheerful as ever. I saw him, and at 20 minutes before 12 o’clock, we entered the battle. The order of our Brigade was as follows – On the right was the 5th Regt. Next the 4th the 27th was in column in reserve to the 4th and in front of the 4th were 21 pieces of our artillery. On the left of the 4th was the 2nd and on the left of the 2nd the 33d, which was Wm’s Regt. Which made the left of the Brigade.About 2 P.M. the battle became terrific. Our artillery and that of the enemy kept up one uninterrupted roar, while the sharp rattle of the musketry and the occasional thunder of a volley from a whole Regiment, mingled with the crashing or shot, the shriek and whistle of bullets, the bursting shell, and the hoarse, loud tone of fierce Command made it all seem doubly terrific and grand.About 2:30 or 3 P.M. “Rickett’s Battery” was brought on the hill, put into position and unlimbered. It fired two shots, when it was charged by the 33rd. They drove the Yankees from the guns but were not strong enough to hold them, and were driven back. They Charged again, Wm. Leading the left wing and Colonel Cummings the right, and again took the battery and again had to abandon it. It was in this charge that Wm. Was shot. (All these particulars I learned afterwards.) Col. Cummings rallied his men, charged the third time, and took and kept the Battery. The 33rd lost more than one third in killed and wounded, a greater loss than was sustained by any other Regiment on either side.When Willie was shot, he walked back up the hill, but did not fall. He remarked to an officer, “I am shot”: and the blood began to trickle from his breast. He was assisted to a distance of more than half a mile in rear of the Battle ground, and he then had to lie down. “All the charges” that I mentioned above, occupied but a few minutes: About 3 o’clock I was accosted by Dr. Cornelius Baldwin of the 33rd who asked me if I knew Capt. Lee was shot. My heart sank as I told him no, and I begged him to take me to him.He said no, if I could stay with Dr. McGuire (who was overwhelmed there with the wounded) he would bring him there. I urged him to make all speed, and in a few minutes he brought William to us in a light spring wagon.We lifted him out as tenderly as we could and laid him in the shade, on the ground. The day was extremely hot and all around us was dust and confusion – wounded men in every conceivable state of mutilation lying all round.Dr. McGuire immediately unbuttoned Willie’s coat and vest as far as he could. The wound was right in the centre of the breast between the 1st and 2nd studs of his shirt. The missile that inflicted the wound (whether a small piece of shell or a bullet, I never could determine) had struck the third button of his coat, partly torn it off, and had passed downwards, driving the cloth or the coat, waist coat and small waistcoat button, together with his shirt, about an inch and a half into the breast.It required nearly the whole of the surgeon’s strength to draw these things from the wound, while I held him in my arms. The wound gave him much pain; the Dr. carefully dressed it and laid him down in quite an easy position. Whatever it was that struck him did not enter the breast: It either fell off, rebounding when he was shot, or else it was pulled out, unobserved, with the clothing. He was too much hurt to be allowed to talk, and the only communication he made was either assent or dissent, indicated by the movement of his head. After his wound was dressed, I gave him some water and asked him if he felt easier. He nodded. I then told him he must not speak, but that I must tell him that we had whipped the enemy and would soon drive them from the field. Just then our gallant Brigade made its final charge, and Generals E.K. Smith and Elay came up with their fresh troops. The enemy broke and ran in the wildest panic, and the mighty, never, never-to-be forgotten shout of victory arose. I sat down by him and said:“Willie, do you hear that? We’ve whipped them and they are flying! The day is ours and we have gained an overwhelming victory!! Oh, how his glorious eye brightened, as he feebly waved his hand, and still more feebly whispered “hurrah!” At this moment Brig. General Jackson came up with a shattered finger to have it dressed; as soon as it was done, he directed me to get on my horse and ride back with him on the field. A young friend who was by Willie’s side assured me he would never leave him and would see him well and comfortably taken care of and fixed. I was utterly unable to leave the field of battle until after dark, and even then I had not fulfilled the orders I had to execute. I got to my Brigade about midnight: and next morning early I went to the house where I learned Willie had been taken. It was owned by some good Scotch people named “Pringle.”The house was full of wounded, among them Br. Gen. E.K. Smith, who was removed during the day. Willie was in a large room down stairs and during all the time save three days, was alone. My excellent young Harrison from Berkely, was by him, nursing him as tenderly as tho it had been his own brother. He had been up with him the whole night. Willie was still suffering very much, but was much better. He had the best medical attendance the army afforded, in Drs. McGuire, Conrad and Straith. The latter was with him day and night the whole time. He was still forbidden to talk; but he beckoned me to him and said, in a low whisper: “Eddie, write to Lil and Mother.” I said: “Yes Willie, but don’t talk.” He smiled and was perfectly quiet.All that day and night he was in much pain, but it diminished and the next morning (Tuesday) he was much better. Before day I went to his wife, and in the morning as soon as I got a little rest, I wrote to you. He seemed to suffer less all day than he had done, and during part of it seemed really bright, and I couldn’t help hoping he would get well. He asked me twice if I had written to you, and seemed quite and satisfied when I told him I had, but I wouldn’t let him or rather did not encourage him to talk of you although I knew his thoughts were with you and his wife and child continually. At night he was not so comfortable as during the day, but next morning he brightened up again and continued so much better until Thursday indeed until Friday morning early that I determined to write to you saying that the Drs hoped for his recovery, as indeed they did during part of Wednesday and Thursday. But it did not continue. Young Harrison hadto leave me on Tuesday morning, when my cousin, George Bedinger came to aid me in nursing him. To both of them we owe many, many thanks. Their kindness and watchful attention could not have been greater possibly.Cousin Lillie did not get my letter, as I did not know where she was. But being at Strasburg, she learned on Wednesday that Willie was wounded and on Thursday she and Mrs. Swann, her cousin, came to the house where we were. They had great difficulty in getting there, but the kindness of some officers helped them through. During all this time Co. Cummings and others of his Regiment came over continually to enquire after him. Dr. Eliason, who lived up the road some little way, was more than kind, also. (Talcott Eliason) He supplied so many comforts and conveniences. On Friday morning Willie began to grow worse. In the afternoon Mrs. Towner (Lillie’s Mother)and Pa and Edmund came. I knew then from the Surgeon there was no hope. Oh how my dear father wept over one whom he loved as his own son! Constantly Willie asked us briefly as possible, to read to him and sing to him. And every thought, and every breath was but full of confidence and faith and love towards our Heavenly Father and the Blessed Savior. He grew gradually worse from this, gangrene having ensued. On Saturday he said “Dr. is there any hope”? Straith (who was unremitting in his efforts) replied “Captain I fear there is none”.His wife and all of us were around him. He said: “I had hoped to live to see my Country established in her new Government: but if Thou orderest otherwise, Oh Father, Thy will be done”. He asked Pa to pray; but he was weeping so that he could not and I prayed for him, for his wife and child, for his Mother and for us who loved him dearly:“That all of us might bow with humble hearts to the will of that God whose every act is full of love; that we might kiss the hand that ever Chastens for our good and remember that those who departed in Jesus, were only ‘gone before’.”And when I finished he took up the prayer and prayed the God of Justice and the God of Battles to bless and prosper our Country very briefly, for he could not talk much, but how fervently and how beautifully. And I know that God will answer that prayer of his faithful dying servant. From this moment he was conscious scarcely at all. He suffered much until Sunday night: but after that he was insensible to pain. I sat by him, watched him, nursed him and scarcely ever left his side from this, or during the whole time. But I have nothing more to tell. At twenty minutes before nine o’clock on Tuesday night, July 30th his brave heart ceased to throb and the blessed Father of Mercy took him to Himself. And when I looked upon his thin but calm and beloved face (for oh dear Aunt I loved him) my heart went up to God for those he left behind. And surely He will be with and bless them for hath He not promised? He was so gentle, so patient, so full of love to those who
were around him . . . He has only gone before, dear Aunt Mary, to await you in his Father’s home. The faithful soldier of Christ’s Cross has gone to join his Lord’s glorious army – never, never more to leave it.I have since then been commissioned as Major to the Regt. (33rd) which he was on duty with; and often wish you could hear the expressions of regard, respect and love with which the command, from its commanding officer to (two unknown words) soldier invariably speak of him. No sadder (two unknown words) than that of his loss couldever have been made to them. But he fell, (blessed thought) in the path of duty, in his Country’s Cause, in Freedom’s cause, on the field of honor and of glory. He fell, not unmarked, unknown, & unloved; but with his sword in his strong grasp, as the leader of gallant soldiers many of whom fell by his side, and mourned by hundreds who knew him but to love him. And above all, far above all, he fell, not without hope in God – but an humble, earnest prayerful child of Jesus: a trusting servant of the Most High! And to that Gracious God and Loving Father, dear Aunt I commend you: Oh may He in his Great Mercy be with you, bless you, sustain you, & comfort you. “The Lord hear thee in the day of trouble. The name of the God of Jacob defend thee: send thee help from the sanctuary and strengthen thee out of Zion”! Let us take comfort from and make an example of, the dying bed of my more than brother. And “cast our burden on the Lord” and say as he so sweetly, submissively said “Oh Lord! Thy will be done.”

Virginia Bedinger wrote to her mother in Shepherdstown, “Truly, it was a great victory + I pray to God to make us thankful to Him for his great love + mercy towards us in delivering us from the horde of our enemies . . .Measuring our friends loss in that victory, poor Mr. Willie Lee was wounded desperately + when we heard it was thought he must die. God have mercy on his poor young wife.”

Charles Wesley Andrews, the Episcopal clergyman and Rector of Trinity Church in Shepherdstown, also went to visit William in the Pringle House. In a letter written to his wife, he wrote:

I went to see Willie Lee who was shot in the breast mortally as is supposed. Lilly had got there. He was well attended to by Edwin Lee and others. He could not speak above a whisper & breathed with difficulty, but understood all I said. He was alive however yesterday morning when I left & there’s no thought or possibility of his recovery. Mr. E.J. Lee has gone back again this morning to bring up his body if he dies.

Although the lingering death of any young soldier is tragic, William did not die alone, miserable, and unknown as did so many courageous warriors in this terrible conflict. On the field, in the field hospital, and as death slowly overtook him, he was surrounded by friends and family – his beloved Lillie, his mother-in-law, classmates from VMI, his former professor Jackson, General Pendleton, his priest C. W. Andrews, his cousin/brother Edwin, his uncle and surrogate father, Edmund, Col. Cummings, and fellow members of the 33rd. With a lifetime forged with early loss and economic hardship, the frustration of not seeing his dream of a new country, the devastation of knowing he was not to enjoy the blessings of a long marriage and fatherhood of his baby girl, and in the face of intense pain and suffering, William was consoled by his deep faith that God’s will be done. In the end, it was not Captain and Mrs. William Fitzhugh Lee, but Willie and Lillie, lovingly intertwined in the cot of the front right room of the Pringle House as his life slowly ebbed away. Thus did the following dawn grow dim with tears.

Because of the disorganization, lack of documentation in the early days of the war and his untimely death during the first real battle, William Fitzhugh Lee’s brave and humble character, popularity, and courageous role in the Battle of First Manassas has not been properly told. It is time for my great-great-grandfather’s story to be shared.

(Lillie Parran Lee is at the far right).

Lillie Parran Lee was devastated, wearing widow’s black daily for the next fifty-five years. Following Willie’s death, she had her sister, Mary Dare Tinsley, hand deliver the silver spurs, which William was wearing when he was felled, to J.E.B. Stuart. Upon his dying, Stuart told those around him to give his sword to his son and to give his spurs to Mrs. Lillie Lee, of Shepherdstown. The friendship between the two couples had come full circle.

My mother, Elizabeth Lee Chappell Reeves and Uncle, Thomas Huntington Chappell, remembered her well from their childhood as a gentle and loving elder who told stories and played card games with them. She would never acknowledge President Lincoln or the existence of West Virginia, insisting on Jefferson County, Virginia as her place of origin. From a childhood of carefree gaiety and social interest, Lillie sustained not only the early loss of her father, husband and close friend, J.E.B. Stuart, but her daughter, at the age of 34. She remained loyal to the Cause, dying in New London Connecticut at the home of her great-grand daughter, whom she helped raise. But that is another story – Ann C. Reeves.

Useful Local Links:

Manassas: The March, The Mayhem, The Memory – Pt. 2
14,991 words

References:

Rev. C. W. Andrews Collection – Special Collections Library, Perkins Collection, Duke University.

Andrews, Rev. C.W. (1877). “Memoir of Rev. C. W. Andrews.” Cornelius Walker, ed. New York, NY: Thomas Whittaker, 2 Bible House. Print.

Andrews, Rev. C.W. (1877). “Memoir of Rev. C. W. Andrews.” Cornelius Walker, ed. Google Books. 19 July 2008. Web. 24 Dec. 2010.

Casler, John O. (1906). “Four years in the Stonewall Brigade, containing the daily experiences of four year’s service in the ranks from a diary kept at the time.” Marietta, GA: Continental Book Company. Print.

Casler, John O. (1906). “Four years in the Stonewall Brigade, containing the daily experiences of four year’s service in the ranks from a diary kept at the time.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 1 March 2011.

Craighill, E. A. (1989). “Confederate surgeon: the personal recollections of E.A. Craighill Confederate surgeon.” Peter W. Houck ed. Lynchburg, Va: H. E. Howard, Inc. Print.

Cummings, Col. Arthur. (1906) “Colonel Cumming’s Account.” Southern Historical Society papers. R. A. Brock (ed). Volume 34. Richmond, VA.: Southern Historical Society. pp. 367-371

Cummings, Col. Arthur. (1906) “Colonel Cumming’s Account.” Southern Historical Society papers. Google Books 15 Aug. 2006 Web. 15 Oct. 2011.

Grabill, Captain John H. (1906). “Thirty-Third Virginia at Manassas – Col. Cummings Takes Liberties With His Orders and Does Good Work.” Southern Historical Society papers. R. A. Brock (ed). Volume 34. Richmond, VA.: Southern Historical Society. pp. 363-367.

Grabill, Captain John H. (1906). “Thirty-Third Virginia at Manassas – Col. Cummings Takes Liberties With His Orders and Does Good Work.” Southern Historical Society papers.
Google Books 15 Aug. 2006 Web. 15 Oct. 2011.

Index:Southern Historical Society Papers volume 32.djvu
Wikipedia English. Latest update 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

Johns, J. (John), Sparrow, William. (1867). “A memoir of the life of the Right Rev. William Meade, D.D., bishop of the Protestant Episcopal church in the diocese of Virginia.” Baltimore, MD: Innes & company. Print.

Lee, Susan P. (1893). “Memoirs of William Nelson Pendleton.” Philadelphia, PA.: J. B. Lippincott Company. Print.

Lee, Susan P. (1893). “Memoirs of William Nelson Pendleton.”
Google Books 15 Aug. 2006 Web. 15 Oct. 2011.

Reidenbaugh, Lowell. (1987). “33rd Virginia Infantry.” Lynchburg, VA: H. E. Howard, Inc. Print.

Strother, David H., “Mountains.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine. New York, NY: Harper and Bros. Volume 51, Issue: 304, (Sept., 1875). pp. 475-486. Print.

Thomas, Emery M. (1999). “Bold Dragoon: The Life of J.E.B. Stuart.” Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press. Print.

Virginia Military Institute Archives

Walker, Charles D. (1877). “Memorial Virginia Military Institute. “Biographical Sketches of the Graduates and Eleves of the Virginia Military Institute who Fell During the War Between the States.” Philadelphia, PA: J. B. Lippincott & Co. Print.

Walker, Charles D. (1877). “Memorial Virginia Military Institute. “Biographical Sketches of the Graduates and Eleves of the Virginia Military Institute who Fell During the War Between the States.“Google Books 15 Aug. 2006 Web. 15 Oct. 2011.

Western Historical Manuscript Collection, Columbia, Mo.

Virginia Military Institute Archives

Videos:

Surkamp, Jim. (1998). “J.E.B. Stuart’s Silver Spurs Pt. 1.” (Video) Retrieved 5 July 2011 from:

Image Credits:

William Fitzhugh Lee – Courtesy Reeves Family

Bishop William Meade –
Johns, J. (John), Sparrow, William. (1867). “A memoir of the life of the Right Rev. William Meade, D.D., bishop of the Protestant Episcopal church in the diocese of Virginia.” Baltimore, MD: Innes & company. Print.

Rev. William Lee – Courtesy Reeves Family

Edmund Jennings Lee – Courtesy the Goldsborough Family

Edwin Gray Lee – Courtesy the Goldsborough Family, detail from painting at Library of Congress.

William Nelson Pendleton –
William Nelson Pendleton. “Encyclopedia Virginia.” Courtesy The Virginia Historical Society. 7 Oct. 2010 Web. 15 Oct. 2011.

Susan Pendleton Lee – Notman Photographic Archives, McCord Museum, McGill University, Montreal. Photo No. 19459

Sandie Pendleton –
Wikipedia English. Latest update 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

Laura Morgan Parran – Courtesy of the Reeves Family

Original Trinity Episcopal Church – Jim Surkamp

A ring tournament –
Strother, David H., “Mountains.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine. New York, NY: Harper and Bros. Volume 51, Issue: 304, (Sept., 1875). pp. 484. Print.

The Queen of the Ring Tournament –
Strother, David H., “Mountains.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine. New York, NY: Harper and Bros. Volume 51, Issue: 304, (Sept., 1875). p. 485. Print.

Young J.E.B. Stuart
Wikipedia English. Latest update 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

Edwin Gray Lee in civilian clothing – Notman Photographic Archives, McCord Museum, McGill University, Montreal. Photo No. 17037.

Dr. Hunter McGuire –
Wikipedia English. Latest update 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

George Bedinger Rust – Danske Dandridge Collection, Special Collections, Perkins Collection, Duke University

Edmund Lee Jr. – Courtesy the Goldsborough Family

Photos of actual room William Lee was cared for – Ann C. Reeves

Virginia Bedinger (Lucas) – Perry Collection, Charles Town Library, “Jefferson County History” Notebook.

Thy Will Be Done – Chapter 7.1 – THE TALE OF TWO CANNON by Jim Surkamp

15.476 words

With support from American Public University System (apus.edu). (The sentiments expressed do not in any way reflect modern-day policies of APUS, and are intended to encourage fact-based exchange for a better understanding of our nation’s foundational values.).

EYEWITNESSES:
William Blackford
Warren Lee Goss
John Casler
T. J. Jackson
Thomas Gold
John N. Opie
J.E.B. Stuart
George C. Eggleston
David Humphreys
William A. Morgan
George W. Baylor
Edwin Gray Lee

INTRODUCTION:

The Battle of Manassas/Bull Run shattered with gore the illusion of a short, “duel-like” war, with reserved seats for those with parasols.

William Blackford of Stuart’s cavalry recalled: “It is amusing now to recall how general the feeling was – every one seemed to think one battle would settle it, and those in authority, who had brought on all the trouble, who ought to have known better, unfortunately thought so, too.”

The battle was messy, incoherent with many piecemeal attacks and counter-attacks. William Blackford in Stuart’s cavalry was well-placed to see thousands of men turn and walk – then run – from the field of battle, as their 90-day tours of duty were coming due.

” . . . the most extraordinary spectacle I have ever witnessed took place. . . . I had been moving forward to the attack, some fifteen or twenty thousand strong in full view, and for some reason had turned away in another direction for a moment, when someone exclaimed, pointing to the battlefield, “Look! Look!” Where those “well-dressed,” well-defined lines, with clear spaces between, had been steadily pressing forward, the whole field was a confused swarm of men, like bees, running away as fast as their legs could carry them, with all order and organization abandoned. In a moment more, the whole valley was filled with them as far as the eye could reach. . .”

That fact, battlefield pressures, and the mere ability of some 8500 well-trained men – in Winchester on July 18 – to just get to Manassas by Sunday morning the 21st – decided the outcome.

We follow the men from the Shenandoah Valley with J.E.B. Stuart and Thomas Jackson, both freshly made Brigadier Generals, and those they faced, as they fought to hold the crest of Henry Hill. Of 2,600 men in The Stonewall Brigade, 480 became casualties in their real first battle. (Ballard; OR, Series I, IX, P. 483)

We focus on the linchpin events of the day surrounding the capture and recapture of the batteries of Union Captains Griffin and Ricketts, the first capture of which by the Confederates seemed to be the beginning of the ultimate unraveling of Union resolve. The struggle was between the Confederates, especially the Stonewall Brigade, trying to secure this ridge of Henry Hill where the batteries were after 2:30, while overcoming constant, strenuous efforts by Union forces to flank Jackson’s Brigade on the left of his line. Ultimately, reinforcements and vigilance by Confederate General Stuart’s cavalry kept that from happening. Around 5 PM the Union forces retreated. Learning from this, President Lincoln then issued a new call for 500,000 more recruits, but this time – requiring three-year commitments.

NOTE: Primary sources are given with an emphasis on first-hand accounts and direct observation. Personal or second-hand estimates of casualties or other quantities are kept as in the original and are subject to the analysis and possible documented correction by the researcher.-ED

THE FOCAL POINT IN THE AFTERNOON:

The batteries of Ricketts and Griffin, by their fine discipline, wonderful daring, and matchless skill, were the prime features in the fight. The battle was not lost till they were lost. (Frye, Battles & Leaders, Vol. 1, P. 189)

BACKGROUND

While General Johnston’s movements were going on in the lower Valley of Virginia, others of great importance were being made elsewhere in the State, the chief of which was the organization of an army by General Beauregard at Manassas Junction, to cover the approach to Richmond, the capital of the Confederacy. This Junction was about twenty-five miles from Alexandria, and was manifestly the strategic point for the defense of Northeastern Virginia. The United States troops were now massed in and around Washington, preparing for an advance into Virginia, and all the energies of the Confederate authorities were concentrated upon preparations to repel the invaders. On both sides Manassas was the center of expectation. Generals Beauregard and Johnston were acting in concert, and on the 18th of July, Johnston received a telegram from Beauregard that the enemy was advancing in force upon Bull Run, and calling upon him to hasten to his assistance. General McDowell, with a large army, was marching forward to attack the Confederates with the confidence of an easy victory. They had already driven back General Beauregard’s advance guard, and seemed likely to carry all before them when the arrival of Johnston’s troops turned the fortune of the day.

WINCHESTER TO MANASSAS: TOUGHING IT

There was an urgency in the ranks of the 2nd Virginia Infantry on July 18, 1861, urgency and emergency. Word had arrived at Winchester that there was an attack just outside of Manassas Junction, that the Union army was advancing rapidly against a small force under Gen. P.G.T. Beauregard at Manassas Junction. Joe Johnston and his army at Winchester needed to leave the Valley immediately, and to scurry to Manassas Junction, to reinforce the Confederates there and to stop this Union advance. And so Jackson’s men hurriedly began to march east from Winchester – to the Shenandoah River, crossing at Berry’s Ferry in Clarke County. . . (Frye),

JULY 18 – (Thursday)

On a sudden order to start a march, the Confederate soldiers near Winchester quickly began, except for ten, known of in the 2nd Virginia regiment, who “skedaddled” instead, eight of whom were from Company E, commanded by Raleigh Colston. (Frye, P. 11)

NOON

On the 18th of July I struck my tents, rolled them up, and left them on the ground, and about noon marched through Winchester, as I had been encamped on the other side of the town. (Jackson to Mrs. Jackson, Memoir).

July 18th we marched through Winchester and took the road leading to Berry’s Ferry, on the Shenandoah river, about eighteen miles distant. The citizens were very much grieved to see us leave, for fear the enemy would be in town, as there were no troops left but a few militia and Colonel Turner Ashby’s cavalry. (Casler).

3 PM

By 3 p.m., the Valley Army was in motion. According to one old Johnny, at that hour “we were rapidly moving through the dusty streets of old Winchester, there only to be the more inspired and encouraged for there was not a mother or sister who had not in the ranks a son or brother. . .” (Reidenbaugh).

About an hour and a half after leaving, I had the following order from General Johnston published to my brigade: “Our gallant army under General Beauregard is now attacked by overwhelming numbers. The commanding general hopes that his troops will step out like men . . .” At this stirring appeal the soldiers rent the air with shouts of joy, and all was eagerness and animation where before there had been only lagging and uninterested obedience. (Jackson to Mrs. Jackson, Memoir).

After marching a few miles we were halted, and the Adjutant read us orders that the enemy were about to overpower General Beauregard at Manassas Junction, and we would have to make a forced march. It was General Johnston’s wish that all the men would keep in ranks and not straggle, if possible. (Casler)

. . . about two miles out of Winchester. The column was halted and officers revealed a startling piece of information: Confederate forces under P.G.T. Beauregard had been attacked by Federals under . . . McDowell at Masassas and the Valley Army was on its way to help out “Old Bory.” (Reidenbaugh)

. . . as we marched we were halted on the road and an order from General Johnston read telling the men that “Our gallant army under General Beauregard at Manassas in now attacked by overwhelming numbers . . .” This appeal to our patriotism was like an electric shock, and was responded to with cheers, and every one felt that it was up to him to do his duty. (Gold).

. . . our disgruntled army moved towards the Blue Ridge Mountains. We were all completely at a loss to comprehend the meaning of our retrograde movement, until a general order was read, informing us that we were marching to the relief of Beauregard at Manassas, where a great battle was imminent. At this news, the whole army set up a continuous yell. It was the first Rebel yell, which afterward became so familiar to friend and foe. (Opie).

We continued our march until we reached Millwood, in Clarke County, where we halted for an hour or so, having found an abundance of good water, and there we took a lunch. Resuming the march, our brigade continuing in front, we arrived at the Shenandoah River about dark. The water was waist-deep, but the men gallantly waded the river. (Jackson to Mrs. Jackson, Memoir).

In fact the river was high, the river was almost chest-deep at that point and when the 2nd Virginia came to the river crossing, it stopped. It was pondering: “Well, do we wait for a ferry? How do we get across? Do we need rope to help keep our balance?” and all of the sudden the 33rd Infantry of the Virginia Brigade just splashed right in to the water . . . 2nd Infantry standing there on the road – ruminating, contemplating the water – and the 33rd Infantry just rushes right in to the water. Well the 2nd Virginia was greatly embarrassed. So sure enough, as soon as the 33rd had left the bank, all of 2nd Virginia trudged right into the water, all except one company. A ferry did arrive and Company C, a Clarke County Company, got on a ferry boat and one of the locals carried them across the river. They didn’t get wet. (Frye).

But when we reached the Shenandoah River and found that we had to ford it, our enthusiasm cooled and for a time many of us held back, but just then the 33rd Virginia, under Colonel Cummings came up and marched right into the water. We were put to shame and waded right in. (Gold) NOTE: Gold’s account is modified by Mr. Frye’s information.-ED

We waded across the Shenandoah river with our clothes and cartridge boxes hung upon our muskets . . . (Opie).

. . . the men removed their clothes and suspended them from their muskets along with their cartridge boxes and haversacks. In this undraped fashion, the men splashed ahead in “a long struggle against a cold, breast-high current.” (Reidenbaugh).

Straggling gained fearful proportions as the men climbed the Blue Ridge and passed through Ashby’s Gap at midnight (Reidenbaugh).

Charles Ferrell appears to have been one of those who fell off the march at this stage-ED:

FERRELL, CHARLES F.: b. 8/23/42, Painter. enl. 4/20/61 at Harper’s Ferry in Co. B as Pvt. AWOL 7/17/61 while on march from Winchester to Manassas. Present again Sept-Oct. 1861. POW at Kernstown, 3/23/62 (Ft. Delaware). Exchanged 8/5/62. After exchange, went home without leave, and taken POW at home. On parole as of 10/31/62. Present again Nov.-Dec. 1862. Surrendered at Appomattox. d. 5/23/08. bur. Elmwood Cem., Shepherdstown, W.Va.
1850 Census:
18 380 387 Ferrall Jacob 31 M WChairmaker VA
19 380 387 Ferrall Susan 31 F W VA
20 380 387 Ferrall Charles 7 M W* VA

Upon setting up camp for rest, Jackson when asked who would do guard detail, said: “The poor fellows are exhausted. I’ll stand guard.” (Jackson, of course, was on horseback for this march from Winchester to Paris). (Reidenbaugh).

JULY 19 – (Friday) (early morning)

Col. J.E.B. Stuart‘s 1st Virginia Cavalry had little time to get to Manassas

Gen. Joe Johnston informed Col. J.E.B. Stuart that his 150 cavalry troopers (1st Virginia Cavalry) would have to get to Manassas by road in time for battle. This meant more than a full day of hard riding, while maintaining the horses. (Ballard, Driver).

(Near Falling Waters in Berkeley County, in early July, 1861, Stuart with his new recruits):

“Attention!” he cried. “Now I want to talk to you, men. You are fellows, and patriotic ones too, but you are ignorant of this kind of work, and I am teaching you. I want you to observe that a good man on a good horse can never be caught. Another thing: cavalry can trot away from anything, and a gallop is a gait unbecoming a soldier, unless he is going toward the enemy. Remember that. We gallop at the enemy, and trot away, always. Steady now! don’t break ranks!”

And as the words left his lips a shell from a battery half a mile to the rear hissed over our heads. “There,” he resumed, “I’ve been waiting for that, and watching those fellows. I knew they’d shoot too high, and I wanted you to learn how a shell sounds.” We spent the next day or two literally within the Federal lines. We were shelled, skirmished with, charged, and surrounded scores of times, until we learned to hold in regard our colonel’s masterly skill in getting into and out of perilous positions. He seemed to blunder into them in sheer recklessness, but in getting out he showed us the quality of his genius; and before we reached Manassas, we had learned, among other things, to entertain a feeling closely akin to worship for our brilliant and daring leader. We had begun to understand, too, how much force he meant to give his favorite dictum that the cavalry is the eye of the army. (Eggleston).

Stuart’s men grew tired and hungry during the hard ride. William Blackford resorted to extreme measures-ED

I was famishing when we halted for rest, but just then a man passed by with a huge bullfrog he had just caught . . and he told I might have it if I liked as he would not eat for all the world. It was but the work of a few moments to kindle a fire, dress the frog and broil him, not the hind legs, but the whole body; it was delicious and quite enough to serve as a pretty good meal. . . I had been in saddle all the day before and all the night, and without food during that time except the bullfrog; this together with my attack of sickness made me so weak that I could scarcely walk across the front yard of the house to knock on the front door. . . Some charming girls in wrappers, aroused from their slumbers, appeared at the upper windows and after hearing my tale hastened to dress and come down. . . A basin of cold water fresh from the well and snowy towels refreshed me inexpressibly, for the roads were suffocating in dust. Then a delicious breakfast, hot strong coffee in a huge cup, seemed to bring new life to my bones. (Blackford).

But I must tell who Comet was, for to a cavalry officer in active service his horse is his second self, his companion and friend, upon whom his very life may depend. . . He was a dark mahogany bay, almost brown, with black mane, tail and legs and a small white star on his forehead – great eyes standing out like those of a deer, small delicate muzzle – delicate ears in which you could see the veins, and which were in constant motion with every thought which passed through his mind – small and beautiful feet – and legs as hard as bone itself. (Blackford).

Jackson’s Brigade continues its march to the train connection at Piedmont.-ED

They then continued on up and over the Blue Ridge, back down the east side of the Blue Ridge and now we’re in Piedmont, Virginia. This was important, because at the Village of Piedmont, you could get on the train of the Manassas Gap Railroad. And so the 2nd Infantry rushed to Piedmont where they would get on the train. (Frye).

This halting and crossing delayed us for some time; but about two o’clock in the morning we arrived at the little village of Paris, where we remained sleeping until nearly dawn. I mean the troops slept, as my men were so exhausted that I let them sleep while I kept watch myself. Bright and early we resumed the march, and the head of our column arrived at Piedmont, on the Manassas Gap Railroad, about six o’clock in the morning; after eating our breakfast, the brigade commenced going aboard of the cars. . . (Jackson to Mrs. Jackson, Memoir).

Then we started on a quick march, marched all day and nearly all night, wading the Shenandoah river about 12 o’clock at night, halted at a small village called Paris about two hours, then resumed the march . . . about daylight, and arrived at Piedmont Station, on the Manassas Gap railroad. Our brigade was in the advance on the march, and when we arrived at the station the citizens for miles around came knocking in to see us, bringing us eatables of all kinds, and we fared sumptuously. There were not trains enough to transport all at once, and our regiment had to remain there until trains returned, which was about 3 o’clock in the afternoon. (Casler).

We had a regular picnic; plenty to eat, lemonade to drink, and beautiful young ladies to chat with. We finally got aboard, bade the ladies a long farewell, and went flying down the road, arriving at the Junction in the night. (Casler).

. . . and, marching all night, crossed the Blue Ridge Mountains and reached the Manassas Gap Railroad at daylight. At Piedmont Junction we ate breakfast, and were loaded into box cars and hurried on to the junction. (Opie).

Even here an interesting thing happened. These men would be placed in cattle cars. They would be tightly stuffed into these very tight structures on rails and be prepared to move. Not everybody in the 2nd Virginia was crammed into a cattle car. Lawson Botts’ Company, Company G from Charles Town, spied what looked to be a much better car – a passenger car, and so they immediately apprehended the car – the passenger car – and Company G, those boys, had comfortable seats. Well, all a sudden, this brash young man comes in and says: “You can’t take this car. This car can’t be yours.” (Frye).

Lawson Botts and the boys say: “Well, why not?” – and

Sandie Pendleton, who was on Johnston’s staff at the time, said: “Because this is for the officers of the Brigade.” And at that point the Botts’ Greys said: “We are equal to our officers. We deserve these seats, and you are going to have to be forced to remove us from this car.” End of discussion. They rode in luxury to Manassas Junction. And so that would be the last fun – fun moment for these boys of 2nd Virginia. That train ride to Manassas Junction, and then it became very serious. They would get off the train, they would march to Mitchell’s Ford along Bull Run; they would see the sight from the very first fighting at Blackburn’s Ford on July the 18th and they knew at this point, they now were going to face the Union Army in strength. They knew now that real business was at hand and most importantly – this is probably what was happening on that train ride – these men were in conversations. They were in conversations about the future of their new country, the Confederacy. They understood the weight of responsibility that was now upon their shoulders. What was going to happen? Would they stand and fight? Will they be drilled and disciplined to the point that they would withstand bullets and shots from cannon? Would they indeed be able to withstand the attack of the enemy. Would they survive or would they die? (Frye)

. . . after eating our breakfast, the brigade commenced going aboard of the cars. . . and the same day all that could be carried arrived at Manassas about four o’clock in the afternoon, without much suffering to my men or to myself. The next day we rested, and the following day was the memorable 21st of July. (Jackson to Mrs. Jackson, Memoir).

JULY 19 (Friday) – JULY 20 (Saturday)

. . . By night fall we are there and in bivouac. . . (Gold).

. . . that evening we got on the cars (at Piedmont Station) and arrived at the Junction that night. (Casler).

Upon our arrival, we were unloaded, and the trains were hurried back for other troops. We marched to a neighboring thicket and bivouacked for the night. After supper, a number of our company were seated around a camp-fire, when one of our comrades, William Woodward, exclaimed, “Boys, to-morrow I will be killed; but, Opie, you will survive the war!” I attributed his observations to the apprehensions of a timid nature, and said to him, “If you feel in this way, do not go into the battle.” I shall never forget his reply, “Yes, I will; I do not fear death. It is my destiny, and I will meet it like a man.” The next day that noble hero fell at my side, at the Henry house, pierced by a minie ball. His last words were, “Give me liberty or give me death.” Since then, I have ever, under all circumstances, believed in destiny, a belief which saves one from many unnecessary fears. (Opie).

JULY 21 (Sunday) – THE MAYHEM

The next morning we marched about four miles east, where they had had a battle on Thursday (July 18th-ED). We stayed there all that day and night, expecting an attack every hour. (Casler).

(That-ED) Sunday morning our forces were attacked four miles higher up, and we made a quick march from there to the battle-field . . . where we arrived about 12. They had been fighting all morning, but about 10 they got at it in earnest. We got there (that is, Jackson’s Brigade) just in the heat of the battle. . . (Casler).

. . . At day break we are marched to Blackburn’s Ford on Bull Run, where two days before a fight had taken place. But no foe appears to us and we are marched westward. . . (Gold).

STUART’S CAVALRY STILL EN ROUTE

NOTE: Capt. William A. Morgan was with J.E.B. Stuart and the 1st Virginia Cavalry that were following the infantry to Manassas from Winchester en route some 36 hours.-ED.

We left the neighborhood of Winchester very suddenly and marched day and night for the junction which we reached on Saturday (July 20-ED). We camped that night on what was the battlefield the next day (July 21-ED) Sunday bright and early, by dawn the conflict began with the booming of artillery and the sharp reports of musketry, mingled with the hoarse commands given by the officers, the screams of the dying horses and the groans of the wounded which was kept up without intermission until moonlight. (Morgan).

The reveille aroused us early on that fateful morning, and we ate a hasty breakfast, and, while yet eating, heard the slow and funereal booming of a distant cannon. It was “Long Tom,” a Federal rifle cannon, sounding the death knell of many a gallant soldier who fell that day. The long roll sounded, and we fell into ranks; and, the regiments having formed into line, great bolts of white cotton were brought out, which the officers tore into strips, and we tied a piece around our hats and another to our left arms. Mouldy, and the rest of his crew, never cut such a ridiculous figure as did we. We presented the appearance of so many lunatics. The men looked at each other, then up and down the line, and raised one loud and general shout of laughter. Comments were numerous. One fellow said, “I feel like a fool,” whereupon a comrade observed, “I suppose, then, you feel quite natural.” Another swore that we would frighten the Yankees to death before we could get a shot at them. I really think our very appearance, when we made the final charge, did help to confuse them. After we were thus decorated, we were given the watchword in a whisper, for fear the enemy, who was two miles off, might hear it. It was “Our Homes.” The next thing was the signal. When you met any one, and were in doubt as to who he was, you were to throw your right hand across your left breast and shout, “Our Homes!” holding your gun in your left hand. They, however, failed to tell us that, while we were going through this Masonic performance, we thus gave the other fellow an opportunity to blow our brains out, if we had any! Now you laugh and look incredulous, and, it may be, shake your head, reader; but this is a solemn fact. I often wonder if such a comedy was ever before or since enacted under such dramatic and tragic conditions. The fact is, our generals were as green as gourds in June. We destroyed on that morning cotton enough to make shirts for half the army, but cotton was king that day at least. (Opie).

NOON – 1 PM

. . . we arrived (to the main battlefield.-ED) about 12. . . (Casler).

. . . The brigade was ordered to the left of our army to reinforce our troops then engaged with McDowell’s advance. We moved into line southeast of the Henry house, on a little crest, in front of a pine thicket. The battle was then raging and the Confederates were retiring. As the dead and wounded were carried past, we realized for the first time the horrors of battle. Company C, commanded by Captain Nelson, was on the left of our regiment, the Botts Greys, Company G, was next in line to Company C, and as the men in the companies fell into line according to size, my place was on the extreme left of Company G, next to Tom Burnett, our fourth corporal, and adjoining the right of Company C. Captain Nelson was at the right of his company, and near him were the Randolphs, Grubbs, Cooke, and others of large stature. On the left of Company C was the Thirty-third regiment of our brigade, the Fourth, Fifth, and Twenty-seventh being on the right. (Baylor).

. . . instead of moving forward to his (Bee’s-ED) immediate support, we were halted and ordered to lie down in line of battle. The firing in our front was terrific, and why we did not render immediate and timely assistance to Bee I could never learn. We lost several of our men while lying in this position, and presently discovered that the firing drew nearer and nearer. At first a few wounded men appeared, then squads of stragglers, and, finally, crowds of men without order or organization. Some of them, carrying their dead and wounded, rushed headlong through our ranks to the rear. Bee rode about and through them, endeavoring in vain to rally them. When near our lines, he turned his horse and rode, unaccompanied, over the brow of the hill, and, like Hasdrubal at the battle of the Metaurus, he determined not to survive his people. It was when endeavoring to rally the remnants of his brigade that he is said to have remarked, “There stands Jackson and his men like a stone wall.” History does not explain this discrepancy: instead of standing, we were lying flat upon the ground, by order of General Jackson. Not until Bee’s Brigade was overwhelmed and driven from the field did we receive orders. (Opie).

When his brigade was drawn up in line of battle at Manassas, and the enemy were finding our range pretty accurately and sending quite a variety of shot our way, I noticed the approach of three men on horseback directly in the rear of our line, one of whom called to us to open space for them to pass through towards the enemy. This was done, and they rode along our front, fully exposed for half a mile, in order to get a good observation of the enemy’s position. President Davis and Generals Jackson and Beauregard were the three men. It was surprising that none of the three were seriously hurt, though General Jackson was shot in the hand at the time. . . (Humphreys).

The enemy’s artillery shelled us in this position for an hour or more, doing little damage. During this cannonade I remember General Beauregard riding in our front and the rousing cheer we gave him. Sam Wright broke ranks, ran forward and shook his hand. This was our first view of Beauregard, and his appearance is still indelibly impressed on my mind. (Baylor).

1 PM

About one o’clock the fence skirting the road at the foot of the hill was pulled down to let our batteries (Griffin’s and Ricketts’) pass up to the plateau. The batteries were in the open field near us. (Goss).

It was at this time that McDowell committed, as I think, the fatal blunder of the day, by ordering both Ricketts’ and Griffin’s batteries to cease firing and move across the turnpike to the top of Henry Hill, and take position on the west side of the house. (Imboden).

2:30 PM

The batteries of Ricketts and Griffin, by their fine discipline, wonderful daring, and matchless skill, were the prime features in the fight. The battle was not lost till they were lost. (Fry, Battles & Leaders, Vol. 1, P. 189)

Griffin moves two guns of his battery to the right of Ricketts, where the 33rd Virginia Infantry captures the guns. The remainder of Griffin’s battery withdraws from Henry Hill. (Ballard).

I will only say that, after taking our position on the left of the brigade, we laid upon the ground listening to the musketry and cannonading going on to our right – or, rather, somewhat in front of our right – from the Confederate forces, which was being vigorously responded to by the Yankees. The ‘Henry house’ was in front of our brigade, over the hill — the upper part of the house visible — and the Robinson house was to the right of that a few hundred yards. Occasional shells would explode over our regiment, and the solemn wonderment written on the faces of the men as they would crane their heads around to look out for falling branches was almost amusing. Colonel Cummings and

Lieutenant Colonel Lee were in front of our regiment, perhaps a hundred yards, stooping down, and occasionally standing to get a view over the crest of the hill that rose gently before us for a little over a hundred yards. The musketry kept up on our right, and then Colonels Cummings and Lee were seen to rise and, bending down, to come back with somewhat quickened steps to the regiment. I remember, as Colonel Cummings drew near, he called out: “Boys, they are coming, now wait until they get close before you fire.” Almost immediately several pieces of artillery, their horses in front, made their appearance on the hill in front of us, curving as if going into battery, and at the same time I descried the spear-point and upper portion of a United States flag, as it rose in the hands of its bearer over the hill; then I saw the bearer, and the heads of the men composing the line of battle to the right and left of him. At the sight several of our men rose from the ranks, leveled their muskets at the line, and, although I called out, “Do not fire yet!” – it was of no use; they fired and then the shrill cry of Colonel Cummings was heard, “Charge!” and away the regiment went, firing as they ran, into the ranks of the enemy, and particularly at the battery towards which our line rapidly approached. Although bearing a non-commissioned officer’s sword, I had obtained a cartridge box, belted it on, and had in some way secured a flintlock musket, with which one of our companies was armed. This gun, after two futile efforts, I fired at a man on horseback in the battery, one of the drivers, I think. I got near enough to the battery to see that it was thoroughly disabled, horses and men falling, and our line driving ahead, when I felt the sting of a bullet tearing a piece from my side, just under my cartridge box, which I had pulled well around on the right and front of my waist. (Randolph Barton to John Casler, January 15, 1897, quoted in Casler).

Jackson had, within the half hour before, passed along his brigade the order not to fire until the enemy was within thirty paces, and then charge. But the shells of the enemy had caused some confusion with the left company of my regiment, (8 companies in the 33rd Va. Infantry Regiment.-ED) and when Griffin’s Battery showed itself on the hill in front of us, and occasional shots began to fall among us from the enemy moving towards our left to flank us, when the tumult of the broken ranks of Bee and Bartow was threatening the steadiness of our right, and the enemy, with exultant shouts, was pressing on, I (Cummings.-ED) . . . thought if those guns get into battery and pour one discharge of grape and canister into the ranks of my raw recruits the day is gone . . . (Cummings to Casler, both of the Va. 33rd Infantry, September 20, 1896; quoted in Casler)

We were watching to see what they would do next, when a terrible volley was poured into them (the Union men in Griffin’s battery.-ED). It was like a pack of Fourth-of-July fire-crackers under a barrel, magnified a thousand times. The Rebels had crept upon them unawares, and the men at the batteries were about all killed or wounded. (Goss).

. . . I heard small-arms on-our-left, and turning in that direction, saw the Thirty-third regiment engaging the enemy. I recollect their first volley and how unfavorably it affected me. It was apparently made with guns raised at an angle of forty-five degrees, and I was fully assured that their bullets would not hit the Yankees, unless they were nearer heaven than they were generally located by our people. To my great astonishment and admiration, however, I soon saw these same men gallantly charging a battery in their front, and my spirits rose. Our men clamored to go forward to assist them, but our officers refused permission, and the golden opportunity was accordingly lost. (Baylor).

When in their advanced and perilous position, and just after their infantry supports had been driven over the slopes, a fatal mistake occurred. A regiment of infantry came out of the woods on Griffin’s right, and as he was in the act of opening upon it with canister, he was deterred by the assurance of Major Barry, the chief of artillery, that it “was a regiment sent by Colonel Heintzelman to support the battery.” A moment more and the doubtful regiment proved its identity by a deadly volley, and, as Griffin states in his official report,”every cannoneer was cut down and a large number of horses killed, leaving the battery (which was without support excepting in name) perfectly helpless.” (Frye, Battles & Leaders, Vol. 1, P. 189).

Property The New York Public Library

One of the artillery-men there engaged has since told me that . . . they saw a regiment advancing, and the natural inference was that they were Rebels. But an officer insisted it was a New York regiment which was expected for support, and so no order was given to fire on them. “Then came a tremendous explosion of musketry,” said the artillery-man, “and all was confusion. Wounded men with dripping wounds were clinging to caissons, to which were attached frightened and wounded horses. Horses attached to caissons rushed through the infantry ranks. I saw three horses galloping off, dragging a fourth, which was dead. The dead cannoneers lay with the rammers of the guns and sponges and lanyards still in their hands. (Goss).

The battery was annihilated by those volleys in a moment. Those who could get away didn’t wait. We had no supports near enough to protect us properly, and the enemy were within seventy yards of us when that volley was fired. Our battery being demolished in that way was the beginning of our defeat at Bull Run,” said this old regular. (He added: “I saw the Rebels advance and try to drag away those eleven guns three times, but they were driven back by steady volleys from our infantry. Then some of our men tried to drag the guns away, but were ordered to take their places in the ranks to fight. They couldn’t be spared!” (Goss).

As I approached the ground, General Jackson, whose brigade was then engaged, sent me word to protect his flanks, but particularly his left flank. I divided the regiment, giving Major Swan half (I had but 300 men for duty), and with the remainder hurried up to Jackson’s left, leaving his right to Swan. Entering a skirt of woods, I received intelligence that the enemy was rapidly outflanking us.

I hastened forward through several fences just as a regiment dressed in red was running in disorder towards a skirt of woods where the fire had been heaviest. I took them to be ours, and exclaimed with all my might: “Don’t run, boys we are here.” They paid very little attention to this appeal. When passing in column of twos through a narrow gap to gain the same held and very close to them I saw in their hands the U. S. flag. I ordered the charge, which was handsomely done, stopping their movement and checking the advance upon Jackson. I rallied again for another charge, as only a portion of my command was in the first, owing to the difficulty of closing up; but finding the enemy had gained the woods to my right and front, leaving no ground for charging, I retired to the next field to give them another dash if they penetrated beyond the woods, which, however, they did not attempt. (Stuart Report, OR, Series, Chapter IX, P. 483).

The regiment charged was the Fire Zouaves, and I am informed by prisoners subsequently taken that their repulse by the cavalry began the panic so fearful afterwards in the enemy’s ranks. (Stuart Report, OR, Series, Chapter IX, P. 483).

Our Cavalry was drawn up in rear of the lines of infantry . . . when the order came for us to do our part, that is to charge the enemy which of course we did, we charged up to their right flank upon which the New York Zouaves Regt., formerly commanded by Col. Ellsworth, were stationed. Owing to the dust and smoke which was to vision, impenetrable, the enemy did not see us until we were among them, with our pistols and sabers we charged them through and returned, cutting and riding them down in every direction. The charge was made just in the nick of time for, believe me, we were whipped beyond doubt . . . (Morgan).

Col. Stuart and myself were riding at the head of the column as the grand panorama opened before us. . . about seventy yards distant. . . and in strong relief against the smoke beyond stretched a brilliant line of scarlet – a regiment of New York Zouaves in column of fours, marching out of the Sudley road to attack the flank of our line of battle. . . they were all looking toward the battle and did not see us . . Col. waved his sabre for the rear to oblique to the left. . . I had not thought which of my weapons to draw until I started . . . I seized and cocked (carbine rifle-ED) that, holding it in my right hand with my thumb and finger on the trigger, I thought I would fire it and then use it for a crushing blow . . . (Blackford).

The tremendous impetus of horses at full speed broke through their line like chaff before grain . . . (I) fixed my eye on a tall fellow . .I then plunged the spurs into Comet’s flanks . . . he rose to make the leap; but he was too close and going too fast to rise higher than the breast of the man and he struck him full on the chest rolling him over and over and under his hoofs and knocking him about ten feet backwards . . . I leaned down from the saddle, rammed the muzzle of the carbine into the stomach of my man and pulled the trigger. I could not help but feeling a little sorry for the fellow as he lifted his handsome face to mine, he tried to get his bayonet up to meet me; but he was too slow, for the carbine blew a hole as big as my arm clear through him. (Blackford).

I now found my self perishing from thirst from the intense heat and the violence of my exertions . . . there was a small branch . . . its banks were lined with the enemy’s wounded who had crawled there to drink, and many had died with their heads in the water, the dark blood flowing into and gradually mingling with the stream . . . at last, I had to lie down and watch for the blood stains to pass. . . It was a long time before I could get Comet to touch it . . . (Blackford).

JACKSON’S LEFT FLANK EXPOSED

The Thirty-third took the battery, but not being reinforced, was forced to fall back in some disorder, which resulted in leaving the left of our regiment exposed to an enfilading fire, and the enemy soon took advantage of the situation and opened on Companies C and G at short range. Under this galling fire, with some of our officers shouting to the men, “don’t fire. they are friends,” our men were somewhat confused, but soon realizing the true situation, briskly returned the enemy’s fire with telling effect. I have since that time been in many engagements, yet have never seen men act as coolly and boldly under such disadvantageous circumstances as our men did on that occasion. Companies C and G, though suffering heavily, were unflinching and holding their own against largely superior numbers. (Baylor).

Men who were casualties that day from the 2nd Virginia Infantry Regiment’s Companies C & G:

MANNING, WILLIAM PRICE: b. 12/8/44 in Jefferson Co. near Duffields. 5’7″. light complexion, blue eyes, dark hair. Student. enl. 4/22/61 at Harper’s Ferry in Co. G of 2nd Va. Inf. as Pvt. Wded. in breast and face at 1st Manassas. 7/21/61. Absent due to wound through Sept/Oct, 1861. Last Infantry record shows him absent on special duty Nov/Dec. 1861. enl. at Harrisonburg in Co. B of 12th Va. Cav. as Pvt. POW near Sharpsburg. Md 9/28 or 9/30/62 (Ft. McHenry. 2/13/63 To Ft. Monroe for exchange. 2/14/63 Admitted Gen. Hosp. Petersburg. 2/18/63 debilitas. Released from hosp. 2/24/63. POW at Pommellville 8/2/63 (Ft. McHenry. 6/12/63). To Ft. Monroe for exchange, 6/28/63. Present Nov/Dec. 1863. Absent and sick Jan/Feb. 1864. Present March/April 1864. No futher record. Paroled at Charles Town, W.Va. Postwar received medical degree from University of Md.; physician at Shepherdstown, W.VA, until 1882; then moved to Washington, D.C. d. 2/11/01 at Washington. D.C.
1850 Census:
35 956 969 Manning Nathaniel W. 37 M WFarmer 8,000 VA
36 956 969 Manning Martha 37 F W VA
37 956 969 Manning Frances 13 F W VA
38 956 969 Manning Mary M. 9 F W VA
39 956 969 Manning William P. 6 M W* VA
40 956 969 Manning Edward B. 3 M W VA
41 956 969 Smith John W. 25 M WTeacher of Music CT
42 956 969 Redman George 50 M W VA
1 956 969 Redman William 21 M W VA

TIMBERLAKE, SETH MASON: b. 11/16/32 at Winchester. Farmer. enl. 6/19/61 at Winchester in Co. G of 2nd Va. Inf. as Pvt. Wded. in both legs at 1st Manassas, 7/21/61. Returned to Regt. from sick leave, 10/12/61. Last infantry record shows him absent sick, Nov./Dec. 1861. enl. 4/17/62 at Conrad’s Store in Co. B of 12th Va. Cav. as 1st Sgt. Nicknamed “the fighting sergeant” and “Uncle Seth.” Unofficial source (Baylor) says horse KIA at Front Royal, 8/11/62. Unofficial source (Baylor) says wded. east of Charles Town in early Dec. 1862. Absent on horse detail, Nov./Dec. 1863. Present Jan./Feb.-March/April 1864. No further record. Paroled at Greensboro, N.C., 4/26/65. Postwar, went to New York in 1866 and was employed in mercantile business in Brooklyn; then returned to Charles Town, W.Va.; then moved to Staunton area where he served as a steward of Western Hosp. d. 12/18/07 at home of his son in Brooklyn, N.Y. bur. Tinkling Spring Church Cem., Fisherviile, Va. (family lived at Cool Spring on Lloyd Road in 1850, today the site of Craftworks.-ED)

ISLER, CHARLES H.: b. 183O? Farmer. enl. 4/18/61 at Charles Town in Co. G of 2nd Va. Inf. as Pvt. Wded. at 1st Manassas, 7/21/61. Last infantry record shows him still absent from wound, Nov/Dec. 1861. enl. in Co. B of 12th Va. Cav. as Pvt. (date and location of enl. not stated). Unofficial source (Baylor) says POW at McGaheysville, 4/27/62. Baylor also says wded. just east of Charles Town in early Dec. 1862. Only official record is MWIA at St. James Church, Brandy Station, 6/9/63. bur. Edge Hill Cem., Charles Town, W.Va. (family lived at Beeler’s Mill property, located today on Kabletown Road.-ED)
1850 Census:
35 1180 1195 Isler Abraham 56 M WFarmer 15,000 VA
36 1180 1195 Isler Sarah 50 F W VA
37 1180 1195 Isler William H. 16 M W VA
38 1180 1195 Isler Charles H. 11 M W* VA

AISQUITH, CHARLES W.: b. in Jefferson Co. 5’8″. fair complexion, blue eyes, dark hair. Clerk. enl. 4/18/61 at Charles Town in Co. G as Pvt. To Sgt., date not listed. Wded. in neck at 1st Manassas, 7/21/61. Returned to duty 9/25/61. Absent sick Nov./Dec. 1861. Present again 4/30-10/31, 1862. Hospitalized 4/5/63, chronic diarrhea. Last official entry shows him commissioned as hospital steward, 6/1/63. d. 4/2/92. bur. Zion Episcopal Cem., Charles Town, W.Va.

BRISCOE, THOMAS W.: b. 9/4/33. Physician. enl. 4/18/61 at Charles Town in Co. G as Pvt. MWIA in chest at 1st Manassas, 7/21/61. d. 7/24/61 at hospital at Culpeper Court House. bur. Zion Episcopal Cem., Charles Town, W.Va.
1850 Census:
31 1321 1336 Briscoe George 27 M WArmourer VA
32 1321 1336 Briscoe Sarah R. 22 F W VA
33 1321 1336 Briscoe Frances 4 F W VA
34 1321 1336 Briscoe George W. 1 M W VA
35 1321 1336 Hicks Frances 14 F W VA
36 1321 1336 Power John W. 23 M WLabourer VA
37 1321 1336 Briscoe Thomas 59 M WFarmer 28,000 VA
38 1321 1336 Briscoe Juliet W. 48 F W VA
39 1321 1336 Briscoe Ellen M. 30 F W VA
40 1321 1336 Briscoe Ann 23 F W VA
41 1321 1336 Briscoe James 21 M W VA
42 1321 1336 Briscoe Thomas W. 17 M W* VA

1860 Census, P. 120:
Briscoe, Thomas W (b: 1833),*
Briscoe, Thomas (b: 1791),
Briscoe, Juliet W (b: 1802),
Briscoe, Frances A (b: 1845),
Lawrence, Lewis M (b: 1832)

BUTLER, FRANCIS G.: b. 4/10/21. Farmer. enl. 4/18/61 at Charles Town in Co. G as Pvt. MWIA in chest at 1st Manassas, 7/21/61. d. 7/25/61 at Pringle’s House, Manassas. bur. Edge Hill Cem., Charles Town, W.Va. (Home may have been on the bend in Ridge Road opposite Glenburnie farm owned in 2011 by the Casserleys.-ED)
1850 Census:
10 456 463 Butler Frances G. 29 M WFarmer* KY
11 456 463 Butler Hannah S. F. 28 F W VA
12 456 463 Butler Sarah E. 4 F W VA
13 456 463 Butler John D. 2 M W VA

PAINTER, JAMES H.: b. 1841? Laborer. enl. 5/11/61 at Harper’s Ferry in Co. G as Pvt. Wded in the thigh at 1st Manassas, 7/21/61. Returned to regt. 10/1/61. Last official entry shows him present, Nov/Dec· 1861. d. 1910. bur. Greenhill Cem., Stephens City.
1850 Census:
19 929 942 Painter George 45 M WLabourer VA
20 929 942 Painter Barbara 46 F W VA
21 929 942 Painter Mary J. 15 F W VA
22 929 942 Painter Jacob 13 M W VA
23 929 942 Painter James 10 M W* VA

ENGLISH, ROBERT M.: b. 9/27/24. Farmer. enl. 4/18/61 at Charles Town in Co. G as Lt. Wded. in arm, leg, and breast at 1st Manassas, 7/21/61. Returned to duty 10/25/61. KIA at Port Republic, 6/9/62, bur. Edge Hill Cem., Charles Town, W.Va. (lived at the “Riddle Farm” located east of Country Club Road and north of the intersection with Route 340.-ED)
1860 Census: English, Robert M (b: 1826)*

2:30-3:00 PM

NOTE: The 5th Virginia Infantry (that John Opie was in.-ED), Hampton Legion, 4th Alabama Infantry, and 7th Georgia Infantry recapture Ricketts’ guns. Gen. Bee is mortally wounded and Gen. Bartow is killed. Ricketts is wounded and captured. The 11th Massachusetts falls back to the Manassas-Sudley road. But Henry Hill is recaptured again by the Union by the 69th New York Infantry and 38th New York Infantry. Opie’s unit is forced to withdraw. (Ballard)

“Attention! Attention!” we sprang to our feet and were ordered forward at a double-quick up the hill, until we reached the Henry house, where the men broke ranks and deployed along the yard and garden fences, not a few crouching behind the dwelling and outhouses. The enemy poured into us a terrific fire of musketry, and their batteries fairly rained shells. Immediately in our front, was a regiment of New York Zouaves, whose red uniforms made them conspicuous targets for our marksmen, and we literally mowed them down. On our right, in an old road running at a right angle with the line in our front was a mass of infantry, which, being protected from our fire by a high embankment, killed and wounded a great many of our men. William Woodward and Joab Seally fell. The deadly missiles fell around us like hailstones. The shouts of the combatants, the groans of the wounded and dying, and the explosion of shells made a complete pandemonium. The atmosphere was black with the smoke of the battle, which raged with great violence on both sides. O’Donnell, Scanlan and Steinbuck fall. A boy from Bee’s Brigade is shot in the forehead, and dies without a groan. He did not tell us his name, but simply asked if he could fall in with our company. Poor boy, he died among strangers like a hero. I felt like taking him in my arms, but that was no time for sentiment; besides, it was to be expected. . . (Opie).

A private in our regiment, Rippetoe by name, exchanged shots at very close range with one of the enemy, and both commenced to reload, when Rippetoe, seeing that his enemy would reload before he could, picked up a rock and killed him. . . (Opie).

One fellow fell, shot on the eyebrow by a spent ball, making a slight wound, and he, kicking and tossing his arms about him, yelled, “O Lordy! I am killed! I am killed! O Lordy, I am dead!” I saw the fellow was not hurt much, only alarmed, and I said, “Poss,” (as we called him,) “are you really killed?” “Yes, 0 Lordy, I am killed!” “Well,” said I, “if you are really killed, why in the devil don’t you stop hallooing?” He is alive to-day, but he never forgave me. Finally, while loading and firing as rapidly as I could, taking rest on the fence, I found it impossible to get the ball in my gun, a minie musket. I examined it, and found that a ball had struck and indented it at the muzzle; and, therefore, throwing it down, I looked around and found that I was alone with the dead and wounded. I picked up another musket, and ran through the yard and down the slope of the plateau, where I found Stannard’s Battery, and, upon inquiry, was directed to a piece of woodland, passing through which, I found the brigade reforming under the immediate supervision of General Jackson, who had been wounded in the hand. I have never seen a Southern history which relates the fact that Jackson’s Brigade was driven from its first position. When I returned to the regiment, upon inquiry, the men said they had been ordered back—by whom, no one knew. I certainly heard no such order, and I believe, to this day, that the men fell back of their own accord, as they were subjected to both a front and flank fire for over an hour. (Opie)

To my right was one of our batteries, in front of which I ran in my eagerness to get with our people, when a cannon was discharged. . . I will here relate how I used the signal and watchword during the course of the battle. . . Still running, I threw my right hand across my left breast and shouted, “Our Homes!” Another gun was fired; I repeated the signal and shouted the watchword; yet another gun went off; and, still running at the top of my speed, I continuously beat upon my breast, shouting, “Our Homes! Our Homes! Our Homes!” When I passed the battery I halted and asked a powder-begrimed officer what in the devil they meant by shooting at me. Whereupon he replied, “We are not shooting at you, you d—d fool, we are shooting at the Yankees.” As I agreed with the officer that I was a D. F., I did not resent his observation, but asked him where the brigade went. . . . (Opie).

The batteries and Henry Hill position of Ricketts and Griffin changed hands six times throughout the afternoon, ending with Confederate possession. This excerpt from Gen. Jackson’s report suggests this fight for the batteries.-ED:

Lieutenant-Colonel Lackland, of the Second Regiment, followed by the highly meritorious right of the Second, took possession of and endeavored to remove from the field the battery which Colonel Cummings had previously been forced to abandon; but after removing one of the pieces some distance was also forced by the enemys fire to abandon it. . . The brigade, in connection with other troops, took seven field pieces in addition to the battery captured by Colonel Cummings. The enemy, though repulsed in the center, succeeded in turning our flanks. But their batteries having been disabled by our fire, and also abandoned by reason of the infantry charges, the victory was soon completed by the fire of small-arms and occasional shots from a part of our artillery, which I posted on the next crest in rear. (Jackson’s Report, OR Series 1. Vol. 2, Chapter IX, p. 482).

3:30-4:00 PM

At 3:30 p.m. the advance of the enemy having reached a position which called for the use of the bayonet, I gave the command for the charge of the more than brave Fourth and Twenty-seventh, and, under commanders worthy of such regiments, they, in the order in which they were posted, rushed forward obliquely to the left of our batteries, and . . . pierced the enemy’s center, and by cooperating with the victorious Fifth and other forces soon placed the field essentially in our possession. (Jackson’s Report, OR Series 1. Vol. 2, Chapter IX, P. 482).

Having reformed his brigade, Jackson exclaimed, “We must give them the bayonet, men; they cannot stand the bayonet!” At this moment men began to cry out, “We are flanked! We are flanked!” pointing to the left. In full view, about a mile from us, we saw several regiments wheeling into line. We could not determine at that distance to which side they belonged. We could see no cotton decorations and could not distinguish their flags or uniforms. General Jackson quickly dispatched several mounted men to learn who they were, and to report as speedily as possible. We waited for a few minutes in suspense, when the men came galloping back, yelling at the top of their voices, “It is Kirby Smith.” It is Kirby Smith!” Whereupon General Jackson sent his aides to the different colonels of regiments with orders to charge at once and preserve the alignment. We sprang forward, five crack Virginia regiments, with a yell that almost shook the universe. Simultaneously, Kirby Smith, with Elzey and Early, was plunging, with fixed bayonets, into the right flank of the enemy. We pass our artillery and the cannon of the enemy concentrate their fire upon us. Men, dead and wounded, fall all around; but there is no halt or pause. “Close up, men! Steady there! Close up!” There is no firing on our part. The infantry of the enemy, which had been heavily reinforced, poured volley after volley into us. Yet the command, “Close up, men! Close, up! Forward! Steady, men!” is all that we heed. We reach Ricketts’ Battery. It is deserted by all save the dead and wounded. There, shot through the thigh, between two of his guns, the gallant old hero lay, dead men and horses piled around him. Our lieutenant-colonel, Wm. H. Harman, said, “Why, Ricketts, is this you?” “Yes,” said he, “but I do not know you, sir.” “We were in the Mexican War together; Harman is my name.” Ricketts then recognized him, and they shook hands, literally across the bloody chasm. Harman sent for an ambulance and had him removed from the field. (Opie).

The Federal infantry had reformed and made its last stand. Half-way between them and Ricketts’ Battery, I saw a fine horse, with a brass-mounted saddle on, standing by a bush, on which the bridle was caught. I could not withstand the temptation, so off I rushed for the horse, in the midst of the musketry fire of both sides. I reached the horse, mounted and rode him back, amidst the shouts of our men and the balls of the enemy, not one of which struck me. While all these things were being enacted, the most striking picture I witnessed that day was that of a big soldier of our company by the name of Jas. Frazier sitting astride “Long Tom,” yelling like a Comanche. The rush at Ricketts’ Battery disordered our men, and they halted and began loading and firing back at the enemy’s infantry. (Opie).

Here the major of the regiment, afterwards the colonel, W. H. H. Baylor, who was killed at the Second Manassas, gave me a five-cent star off his coat collar and took my fine horse, worth $200. I thought, at the time, the star made me a hero, but afterwards would have preferred the horse. (Opie).

Recovering again from our confusion, incident to the capture of the battery, we were again closed up and ordered forward, but this time loading and firing as we went. The Federal infantry kept up a weak and desultory firing until we were within about two hundred yards of them, when, regardless of the threats and expostulations of their officers, they broke ranks, and many of them divesting themselves of all impedimenta, such as guns, canteens and cartridge belts — all sought safety in flight; in other words, they became panic-stricken, which means insane from fear. No one who has not seen an army panic-stricken, can realize what a fearful sight it is to behold. Men and officers become lost to all reason, all honor and all hope. They overcome all obstacles in their mad flight; fences, rivers, and even armed men, are disregarded, and nothing can stop them but absolute exhaustion. (Opie).

Now, my Northern friend, this was you this time; but, later on in the war, I saw an army of ours do the same as you did here, with much less excuse. (Opie).

4:00 PM

This position Jackson held until nearly four o’clock, when three of his regiments charged out in front, breaking the center of General McDowell’s line. Just at this time, too, an unexpected thing occurred, which settled the day. (Humphreys)

General Kirby Smith, with about fifteen hundred men, mostly Marylanders, was having his command conveyed by railroad to the junction, which was General Beauregard’s base. Hearing the roar of our battle, and knowing that if he went on toward the junction he would get farther away from the field of contest, he stopped the train at the nearest point, and guided by the sound, attempted to join us, but, fortunately for us, came out of the woods upon the flank of McDowell’s army, pretty well to their rear. They seeing this, thought it a trap, threw down their muskets, cut loose the horses from their guns and converted their whole army into a fleeing mob. From the crest of a high hill I could see a vast multitude all flying for dear life, scattered for three miles in width, and as far as the eye could see looking North. (Humphreys).

5 PM

But now the most extraordinary spectacle I have ever witnessed took place. I had been moving forward to the attack, some fifteen or twenty thousand strong in full view, and for some reason had turned away in another direction for a moment, when someone exclaimed, pointing to the battlefield, “Look! Look!” Where those “well-dressed” well defined lines, with clear spaces between, had been steadily pressing forward, the whole field was a confused swarm of men, like bees, running away as fast as their legs could carry them, with all order and organization abandoned. In a moment more the whole valley was filled with them as far as the eye could reach. They plunged through Bull Run wherever they came to it regardless of fords or bridges, and there many drowned. Muskets, cartridge boxes, belts, knapsacks, haversacks, and blankets were thrown away in their mad race, that nothing might impede their flight. In the reckless haste the artillery drove over every one who did not get out of the way. Ambulance and wagon drivers cut the traces and dashed off the mules. In crossing Cub Run a shell exploded in a team and blocked the way and twenty-eight pieces fell into our hands. By stepping or jumping from one thing to another of what had been thrown away in the stampede, I could have gone long distances without ever letting my foot touch the ground, and this over a belt forty or fifty yards wide on each side of the road. (Blackford).

Soon after the battle Gen. Jackson writes his wife:

“Mr. James Davidson’s son, Frederick, and William Page (son of my dear friend) were killed. Young Riley’s life was saved by his Bible, which was in the breast-pocket of his coat. . . My finger troubles me considerably, and renders it very difficult for me to write, as the wind blows my paper, and I can only use my right hand. I have an excellent camping-ground about eight miles from Manassas on the road to Fairfax Court House. I am sleeping in a tent, and have requested that the one which my darling had the loving kindness to order for me should not be sent. (Jackson to Mrs. Jackson, Memoir).

CASUALTIES IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE

2,600 in Jackson’s Brigade (Ballard, P. 20).

It is with pain that I have to report as killed 11 officers, 14 non-commissioned officers, and 86 privates; wounded, 22 officers, 27 non-commissioned officers, and 319 privates; and missing, 1 officer (Jackson’s Report, OR Series I, Chapter IX, P. 483)

AFTER

Manassas, July 22d.
My precious Pet, — Yesterday we fought a great battle and gained a great victory, . . . Although under a heavy fire for several continuous hours, I received only one wound, the breaking of the longest finger of my left hand; but the doctor says the finger can be saved, it was broken about midway between the hand and knuckle, the ball passing on the side next the forefinger. Had it struck the centre, I should have lost the finger. My horse was wounded, but not killed. Your coat got an ugly wound near the hip, but my servant, who is very handy, has so far repaired it that it doesn’t show very much. . . . The battle was the hardest that I have ever been in, but not near so hot in its fire. I commanded in the centre more particularly, though one of my regiments extended to the right for some distance. There were other commanders on my right and left. Whilst great credit is due to other parts of our gallant army. . . (Jackson to Mrs. Jackson, Memoirs).

Manassas Junction, July 24, 1861.
Dear Father and Mother: I seat myself once more to write you a few lines, to let you know where I am and that I am still alive. Last Sunday was such a day as I had never seen, and I hope to God I never will see another such a time. We had one of the hardest battles that ever was fought in the
United States. I have not power to describe the scene. It beggars all description. . . (Casler).

Camp Fairfax Station, July 24th, 1861
My Dearest Wife: I wrote you a few very hurried lines a day or two after the Manassas fight, merely to let you know that we were not killed. I do not know whether you have received them or not and as I expect Mr. Scinsendiver to return to Shepherdstown, I will write more fully.

We left the neighborhood of Winchester very suddenly and marched day and night for the junction which we reached on Saturday. We camped that night on what was the battlefield the next day. Sunday bright and early, by dawn the conflict began with the booming of artillery and the sharp reports of musketry, mingled with the hoarse commands given by the officers, the screams of the dying horses and the groans of the wounded which was kept up without intermission until moonlight. Our Cavalry was drawn up in rear of the lines of infantry and kept there until about 12 or 1 o’clock when the order came for us to do our part, that is to charge the enemy which of course we did, we charged up to their right flank, upon which the New York Zouaves Regt., formerly commanded by Col. Ellsworth, were stationed. Owing to the dust and smoke which was to vision, impenetrable, the enemy did not see us until we were among them, with our pistols and sabers we charged them through and returned, cutting and riding them down in every direction. The charge was made just in the nick of time for, believe me, we were whipped beyond doubt, but our cavalry charge decided the fate of the day and gave them for a different arrangement of our troops. (Morgan).

When after three hours of desperate fighting on both sides, the enemy being flanked by our cavalry and annoyed by the New Town battery they could stand no longer and then commenced a terrible fight. For an hour before they were routed I had a position which we had taken from them on their flight for a mile or two on both sides. Our cavalry having taken the hill were stationary for an hour it was truly a grand and terrible sight to look upon, one incessant war of artillery and musketry all the time every moment men and horses fell, numbers of them until they could not ship (?-ED) us, or at least thought so, when they fled in confusion and we after them for 8 miles, following them to Centerville I shan’t attempt a description of this glorious battle you have often read of them and can form some idea when you get the particulars of this eminent fight. (Morgan).

Our cavalry, – that is one or two companies suffered a good deal. Two whole front ranks went down as they entered the enemies lines, myself and company were in the very center of their ranks. The balls flying thick all around, apparently as thick as hail and yet strange to say there was no one killed; two or three of us were slightly wounded, myself among the number, three or four horses were shot and bayonetted by the Zouaves – my wound was caused by the jam of horses and men and has ceased to give me any trouble. It was in the knee of my right leg, in an hour I had forgotten it, in my first letter I did not mention it, for the reason it was not worth notice, so you need not be at all uneasy for I assure you I am in perfect health now. My horse, George, behaved nobly, never flinching at any time. (Morgan).

I rode over the field of battle the next morning to see the sad havoc by section being arrayed against section, men and horses covered the ground in every direction the most awful and ghastly sights – some men with their heads cut off from the shoulders, some with half heads torn to pieces -some disemboweled and mangled in every conceivable manner. To you or brother I suppose it would be an awful spectacle, but to tell you the truth, I, although having as much sympathy as the most of you, seeing so much blood and carnage, soon became used to it, and my curiosity was only to know what sort of a wound the poor wretch had received to kill him. There are dead men everywhere — all around — some crawled into the bushes and died, some went a mile or two and died, everywhere are the dead — and the whole country smells so very offensively that no one can stay in it or near that region. (Morgan).

I am now stationed at Fairfax station 18 miles from the field and 15 miles from Alexandria — I suppose we will move on to Alexandria in a day or two, — I am now on detached service under General Ellzey of the Maryland line — Col. Stuart has been promoted, and is now acting as Brigadier General — his promotion owing to the hard fighting and hard service which in his command have done. Our regiment has been highly praised, much more than any other in the service. The reason Jack and Davey were not in the fight was, that Jack is Assistant Quartermaster and was with his baggage four miles off. Davey just reached Camp without arms and had to go to the baggage train for them and did not get up with us again for a day or two. Archie was in — but not with my company – he was detailed as an escort to Gen. Bee of the South Carolina Brigade, and after Bee was killed he joined the Amelia troop for the rest of the day. . . (Morgan).

Neally (Cornelius.-ED) Hite was sick and went home. Fontaine Hite was with me all through – The Yankees lost in killed and wounded about 6,000 — Our loss was about 500 killed and 1000 wounded. These are the figures spoken of down here — I think judging from what I saw — that our loss is over estimated and the Yankee loss under what it really is. I heard that Wm. Lee was killed — and so stated in my letter to you, but I found him in one of the hospitals yesterday — he is very severely wounded and I think mortally — poor fellow, I hope he may recover — he was shot through the breast – the morning I saw him he was better, but I thought it was the state that precedes death. (Morgan).

Our loss in officers has been severe — you have no idea of the plunder that was taken — 500 wagons would not hold it — arms — 40 odd pieces of artillery — numbers of elegant horses — any quantity of provisions and clothing, fancy articles, etc. Our boys are literally loaded down and I had to scold them for having so much about them — they all turned out in new clothes of the finest kind –most of them had more clothes now than they ever had. When I started from Winchester, I had but one shirt, and that on my back and after wearing it a week and a half, it was of course ready for a change — and seeing quantities of nice new shirts lying around I just appropriated one to myself. We have quantities of overcoats, in addition to all our other traps. I often think of you and my darlings at home — often — you were in my thoughts on that dreadful Sunday after the fight has began and God alone knows whether I may ever see you all again — kiss my dear children for me and tell them not to forget me — Give my love to Mother – Lillie and Cousin Rose and family. (Morgan).

How are you getting on so close to the Boss? Keep out of her reach — I saw Jim Towner yesterday and he said he was glad you had his rooms, and hoped you would make yourself comfortable. Camp duties now claim my attention, and I must stop. God bless you and protect you all.
Goodbye, Ever Yours, W. A. Morgan (William A. Morgan to his wife in Shepherdstown).

John Casler visited the battlefield and talked with the daughter of Mrs.Judith Henry, an elderly widow in the house who, in an exchange between Confederate sharpshooters in the house and Ricketts’ battery was killed.

I don’t suppose the soldiers of either army knew there was anyone living in the house, for all the other citizens around had fled for safety earlv in the day. However, be that as it may, they were there. The house was riddled with shot and shell from both sides, and the old lady, being helpless and confined to her bed, was pierced with several bullets and killed, while the daughter, unable to carry her off at the commencement of the fight, remained with her. She had crawled under the bed and escaped unhurt. I conversed with the daughter the next day, when she related what is here recorded. I also saw the corpse of the old lady. Their names were Henry, and this was the since noted “Henry house.” (Casler).

It should be noted of interest that the mentioned “Robinson house” east of the Henry house was owned by a 62-year old, freed black man named “Gentleman Jim Robinson” who owned 100 acres of improved farm land. Robinson, according to the family tradition was mulatto whose father was a member of the wealthy Landon Carter planter family who owned a mansion and plantation close by. Congress later authorized compensation to Mr. Robinson for property damage.-ED

After having driven the enemy from the field. . . we were halted and ordered to collect our dead and wounded. . . It now becomes our painful duty to relate how we disposed of those whose misfortune it was to fall that day. At this period of the war the Ambulance Corps, with its ambulances, stretchers and attendants, had not been thoroughly organized in our army. Consequently, each company went about the battle-ground, seeking its own fallen comrades. When we found one of our wounded, we placed him in a blanket, and thus carried him to the field hospital. I visited one, located outside of a farm house, and felt at the time that the sight I beheld there exceeded anything imaginable. (Opie).

There were two huge piles of legs, feet, hands and arms, all thrown together, and at a distance resembled piles of corn at a corn-shucking. Many of the feet still retained the boot or shoe. Wounded men were lying upon tables, and surgeons, some of whom at that time were very unskillful, were carving away, like farmers in butchering season, while the poor devils under the knife fairly yelled with pain. Many limbs were lost that should have been saved, and many lives were lost in trying to save limbs which should have been amputated. We found, in going over the field, dead men in every conceivable position, mangled, dismembered, disemboweled — some torn literally to pieces. Some, in their death struggles, had torn up the ground around where they fell. Others had pulled up every weed or blade of grass that was in their reach. The horrible scene would have melted the heart of a demon; but, later on in the war, as such sights became commonplace, the men evinced not the slightest sign of feeling or emotion. The only question which arose in their minds was . . . Who next? (Opie).

There has never been, in ancient or modern times, a people who did not honor their dead and give them decent sepulture; but our manner of burying the dead, both friend and foe, was necessarily brutal and barbarous. Exposed to the hot sun, decomposition immediately begins; therefore, when there are many dead, or when an army is moving, little time is allowed for the exercise of that care and pains which decent internment would require. Then, too, the soldier is a very lazy animal. We dug long trenches where the dead lay thickest, and the bodies were thrown in, until the trenches were full, when the loose earth was thrown over them and the ghastly work continued. (Opie).

These so-called graves were frequently very shallow, especially where the soil was rocky; and sometimes a hand or foot of some poor fellow served as a head or foot board. On this occasion we buried the dead of the enemy; but we buried all alike, except that we made separate trenches for them. The night overtook us while engaged in this gruesome work, and with it a perfect downpour of rain. (Opie).

I found a well-filled haversack, and out of this I ate, for the first time since morning; and, placing two rails together, put one end on the fence and the other on the ground — the two making a comfortable bedstead, thus raising me off the wet ground. I lay down lengthwise upon them, and, spreading my blanket and oilcloth over me, slept on the field as dry as if in a house. The next day we finished our unpleasant work and went into camp. (Opie).

Lily Parran Lee of Shepherdstown hurried to Manassas to be at the bedside of her husband, who had been shot in the chest. A younger Lee addressed his graduating class at Virginia Military Institute in July, 1853. In parting he said: “But that connection is, this night, dissolved and my voice must now never again be heard within these walls. No, never again and as with indistinct confusions the mingled visions of the past. . .”

Useful Local Links:

Manassas: The March, The Mayhem, The Memory Pt. 1 – Dennis Frye

Dennis Frye on May-July, 1861

2 Dragons Sweep the Panhandle May-July, ’61

The Messy Birth of The “Stonewall Brigade”

References:

Ballard, Ted. (2007). “Battle of First Bull Run.” Washington, D.C.: Center for Military History, United States Army. Print.

“Battles and Leaders. Vol. 1.” Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buel (Ed.). New York, NY: Century Co. Print.

“Battles and Leaders. Vol. 1.” Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buel (Ed.). Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

Baylor, George. (1900).”Bull Run to Bull Run: Four years in the army of northern Virginia.” Richmond, VA: B. F. Johnson Publishing. Print.

Baylor, George. (1900). “Bull Run to Bull Run: Four years in the army of northern Virginia.” Google Books. 19 July 2008. Web. 24 Dec. 2010.

Blackford, William W. (1945). “War Years with Jeb Stuart.” New York, NY: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Print.

Blackford, William W. (1945). “War Years with Jeb Stuart.” Google Books. 19 July 2008. Web. 24 Dec. 2010.

Casler, John O. (1906). “Four years in the Stonewall Brigade, containing the daily experiences of four year’s service in the ranks from a diary kept at the time.” Marietta, GA: Continental Book Company. Print.

Casler, John O. (1906). “Four years in the Stonewall Brigade, containing the daily experiences of four year’s service in the ranks from a diary kept at the time.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 1 March 2011.

Craighill, E. A. (1989). “Confederate surgeon: the personal recollections of E.A. Craighill Confederate surgeon.”Peter W. Houck ed. Lynchburg, Va: H. E. Howard, Inc. Print.

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Gold, Thomas D. (1914). “History of Clarke County, Virginia.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 28 Dec. 2010.

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Humphreys, David. “Heroes and Spies of the Civil War.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 Dec. 2010.

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Opie, John N. (1899). “A Rebel Cavalryman With Lee, Stuart, and Jackson.” Chicago, IL: W. B. Conkey Co. Print.

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Phillips, Edward H. (1993). “The Lower Shenandoah Valley in the Civil War: The Impact of War Upon the Civilian Population and Upon Civilian Institutions.” Lynchburg, Virginia: H. E. Howard, Inc. Print.

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Map of First Manassas

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Irvin McDowell
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Pierre G. T. Beauregard
Wikipedia English. Latest update 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

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Wikipedia English. Latest update 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

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Manassas: The March, The Mayhem, The Memory, Pt. 2 With Dennis Frye
by Jim Surkamp on July 21, 2011 in Wartime
THE TALE OF TWO CANNON
https://web.archive.org/web/20190710013934/https://civilwarscholars.com/2011/07/manassas-the-march-mayhem-memory-pt-2/

Videos:

VIDEO:(CC) The Best Civil War Story – Chapter 7.1 – Wm Morgan and Anna – by Jim Surkamp. Click Here. TRT: 19:35.
Video link: https://youtu.be/MrBniWlTn6U

Image Credits:

File:Alexander Pendleton c1860s.jpg
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sudleyln.b&L.I.186.jpg
“Battles and Leaders. Vol. 1.” Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buel (Ed.). New York, NY: Century Co. Print.

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11nyfirezouaves.b&l.I.179.jpg
General-Imboden.jpg
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wwblackf925.jpg
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Irv_mcdowell.jpg
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File:Pgt beauregard.jpg
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Joseph_Johnston.jpg
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Imboden, John D. (1888). “Jackson at Harpers Ferry in 1861.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

maryannajackson3.jpg
Jackson, Mary Anna. (1895). “Memoirs of Stonewall Jackson.” Louisville, KY: Prentice Press, Courier-Journal Job Print. Co. Print.

Jackson, Mary Anna. (1895). “Memoirs of Stonewall Jackson.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

stuart.230.11nyzouaves.jpg
(composite from two sources)
sudleyln.b&L.I.186.jpg
“Battles and Leaders. Vol. 1.” Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buel (Ed.). New York, NY: Century Co. Print.

“Battles and Leaders. Vol. 1.” Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buel (Ed.). Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

WarrenLeeGoss.jpg New York Public Library. 3 January 1997. Web. 15 July 2011.

goss.stampede.manass.15.jpg
Goss, Warren L. (1875c). “Recollections of a Private.” New York, NY: T.Y. Crowell & Co. Print.

Goss, Warren L. (1875c). “Recollections of a Private.”
Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 Dec. 2010.

ricketts.b&l.189.jpg
griffin.b&l.184.jpg
“Battles and Leaders. Vol. 1.” Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buel (Ed.). New York, NY: Century Co. Print.

“Battles and Leaders. Vol. 1.” Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buel (Ed.). Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

Baylor.G.61.May.jpg
J.Manning.Wm.61.July.Wnd.jpg
Jj.Timberlake.S.61.July.jpg

Baylor, George. (1900).”Bull Run to Bull Run: Four years in the army of northern Virginia.” Richmond, VA: B. F. Johnson Publishing. Print.

Baylor, George. (1900). “Bull Run to Bull Run: Four years in the army of northern Virginia.” Google Books. 19 July 2008. Web. 24 Dec. 2010.

Frye8a.jpg Jim Surkamp Collection

johnocasler.1863.jpg
johnovertoncasler.jpg
Casler, John O. (1906). “Four years in the Stonewall Brigade, containing the daily experiences of four year’s service in the ranks from a diary kept at the time.” Marietta, GA: Continental Book Company. Print.

Casler, John O. (1906). “Four years in the Stonewall Brigade, containing the daily experiences of four year’s service in the ranks from a diary kept at the time.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 1 March 2011.

johnnopie.jpg
Opie, John N. (1899). “A Rebel Cavalryman With Lee, Stuart, and Jackson.” Chicago, IL: W. B. Conkey Co. Print.

Opie, John N. (1899). “A Rebel Cavalryman With Lee, Stuart, and Jackson.” Google Books. 19 July 2008. Web. 24 Dec. 2010.

hotchkiss.64.millwood.berrys.jpg
United States. The Library of Congress Geography and Map Division. (1864). “Map of Loudoun County and part of Clarke County, Va., Jefferson County and part of Berkeley County, W. Va., and parts of Montgomery and Frederick counties, Md.].” United States. The Library of Congress: American Memory. “Maps Collection.” 27 Oct. 2009 Web 10 Sept. 2010.
g3883l cwh00043 http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.gmd/g3883l.cwh00043 (enter into search window-ED)

File:WNPendleton.jpg
Wikipedia English. Latest update 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

462px-Jeb_stuart.jpg
Wikipedia English. Latest update 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

train.manassas.B&L.I.163.jpg
“Battles and Leaders. Vol. 1.” Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buel (Ed.). New York, NY: Century Co. Print.

“Battles and Leaders. Vol. 1.” Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buel (Ed.). Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

lloyds.manass.piedmont.jpg
Lloyd, James T. (1861). “Lloyd’s official map of the state of Virginia from actual surveys by order of the Executive 1828 & 1859.” United States. The Library of Congress: American Memory. “Maps Collection.” 27 Oct. 2009 Web 10 Sept. 2010.

listening.gunsB&LI.164.jpg
“Battles and Leaders. Vol. 1.” Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buel (Ed.). New York, NY: Century Co. Print.

“Battles and Leaders. Vol. 1.” Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buel (Ed.). Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

File:MNBPRickettsBatteryPainting.jpg
‘Capture of Ricketts’ Battery’, is by Sidney E King. The painting is oil on plywood, and is displayed in the Henry Hill Visitor Center at Manassas National Battlefield Park. Wikipedia English. Latest update 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

cannonmouth.jpg
front of a cannon By Jim Surkamp

manassasdetail.abbot.jpg
“Battlefield at Bull Run, Virginia Fought July 21, 1861 by Henry L. Abbot” Baylor Library Digital Collections. 2 September 2006 Web. 10 July 2011.

davidhumphreys.jpg
Humphreys, David. (1903). “Heroes and Spies of the Civil War.” New York, NY, Washington, D.C: Neale Publishing Co. Print.

Humphreys, David. “Heroes and Spies of the Civil War.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 Dec. 2010.

HD_bottsL2c.jpg
“Lawson Botts.” House Divided: The Civil War Research Engine at Dickinson College

jameswallen.jpg
“James Walkenshaw Allen.” VMI Archives. 2 September 2007. Web. 10 July 2011.

wmnnelsonclarke.jpg
“William Nelson Company C, 2nd Virginia Infantry.” Gold, Thomas D. (1914). “History of Clarke County, Virginia.” Berryville, VA: C. R. Hughes Publishers. Print.

Gold, Thomas D. (1914). “History of Clarke County, Virginia.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 28 Dec. 2010.

confederatesoldiers.jpg
Goss, Warren L. “Recollections of a Private, Part II.” The Century Magazine, Vol. XXIX, Dec., 1884

Goss, Warren L. “Recollections of a Private, Part II.” Rugreview.com. 23 June 1998. Web. 15 July 2011.

robinsonhouse.jpg The National Park Service

wam04him.jpg
Col. William A. Morgan Letters, 1853-1889, in the Tracy W. McGregor Library, Accession #1275, Albert H. Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Va.

EGLee.jpg
General Edwin Gray Lee. Notman Photographic Archives. McCord Museum, McGill University, Montreal, Photo No. 17037. 27 Sept. 2007 Web. 6 July 2011

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IMG_0466.jpeg
WFLee.Reeves.jpg
Room where William Fitzhugh Lee died at Manassas, 1861. Collection of Ann Reeves

lilyparranlee.jpg
Lily Parran Lee wife of William F. Lee. Private Collection

19wmflee.jpg
William Fitzhugh Lee. Private Collection

Chapterette 8: Click Here. https://civilwarscholars.com/american-civil-war/thy-will-be-done-chapter-8-august-september-1861-returning-to-fountain-rock-and-family-does-not-exceed-the-reach-of-armies-by-jim-surkamp/